1
Universitat de Vic - Universitat Central de Catalunya
Universidad del Azuay
e-ISSN 2014-5039
22
Universitat de Vic - Universitat Central de
Catalunya (España)
Universidad del Azuay (Ecuador)
Equipo Editorial /
Editorial Team
Dra. Mar Binimelis-Adell, Facultad de
Empresa y Comunicación. Universitat
de Vic - Universitat Central de Catalunya
Dra. Julia Catalina Serrano Cordero,
Escuela de Comunicación, Universidad
del Azuay
Asistentes de direccn /
Director’s Assistant
Juan Carlos Lazo Galán, Universidad del
Azuay, Ecuador
Lorena González Ruiz, Universitat de
Vic- Universitat Central de Catalunya

Committee
Dra. Pilar Acosta Márquez, Universidad
Veracruzana
Dra. María Marta Álvarez Rodríguez,
Université de Franche-Comté, CRIT EA
3224
Dr. Hernane Borges de Barros Pereira,
Faculdade de Tecnologia SENAI
CIMATEC Universidade do Estado da
Bahia
Dra. Irene Cambra Badii, Universitat de
Vic - Universitat Central de Catalunya
Dra. Ana Castillo Díaz, Universidad de
Málaga
Dra. Lourdes Cilleruelo Gutierrez,
Universidad del País Vasco
Dra. Clara Fernandez Vara, New York
University
Dra. Maria Forga, Universitat de Vic -
Universitat Central de Catalunya
Dr. Joan-Francesc Fondevila, Universitat
Pompeu Fabra
Dr. Joan Frigola Reig, Universitat de Vic -
Universitat Central de Catalunya
Dr. Xavier Ginesta, Universitat de Vic -
Universitat Central de Catalunya
Dr. Ibrahim Kushchu, International
University of Japan
Dra. Gema Lobillo Mora, Universidad de
Málaga
Equipo Editorial
33
Dr. Joaquim Marqués, Universitat de
Girona
Dr. João Carlos Massarolo, Universidade
Federal de São Carlos
Dra. Carla Medeiros, Escola Superior de
Comunicação Social
Dra. Giorgia Miotto, Universidad Ramon
Llull
Dr. Luis Navarrete, Universidad de
Sevilla
Dra. Elena Oroz, Universidad Carlos III
de Madrid
Dra. Ana Palomo, Universitat de Vic -
Universitat Central de Catalunya
Dr. Alexandre Pereda, Barcelona Media
Dra. María Pilar Rodríguez Pérez,
Universidad de Deusto
Dr. Jordi De San Eugenio Vela,
Universitat de Vic - Universitat Central
de Catalunya
Dr. Carlos A. Scolari, Universitat
Pompeu Fabra
Documentalista /
Documentalist
MerMontanyà Comelles, Universitat
de Vic-Universitat Central de Catalunya

Design
Diana Marcela Torres Lucero, Open
University, Universidad del Azuay,
Ecuador


Área de las TIC. Universitat de Vic -
Universitat Central de Catalunya
Consejo Técnico de redacción

Diana Lee Rodas Reinbach, Universidad
del Azuay
Oriol Portell, Universitat de Vic -
Universitat Central de Catalunya
Sebastián Esteban Carrasco Hermida,
Universidad del Azuay
Ana Isabel Andrade, Universidad del
Azuay
Antonio González, Universidad del
Azuay
Patricia Proaño, Universidad del Azuay
Equipo Editorial
4
E
I
2
3
4
1
-
ducción de contenidos a partir de la intersección con la cultura fan








pp. 6-7
pp. 10-24
EDITORIAL
INTRODUCTION
pp. 41-53
pp. 73-101
pp. 55-71
pp. 25-40
Index



Júlio César Ferreira
Gabriela Diniz



la enseñanza de la literatura








MONOGRAPHIC SECTION







5
I
ÍNDICE
7
8
9
5
6
pp. 103-115
pp. 117-132
Index






-



ciencia




pp. 133-148
pp. 149-167
pp. 169-184
MISCELANEOUS SECTION
DOCTORAL THESIS






-









66
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EDITORIAL

Storytelling en la Era Digital
How stories are created and conveyed in media

and digital platforms has evolved as they have
adapted to new technologies and cultural prac-

shapes contemporary social experiences and
values.
By creating an emotional connection with the
audience, storytelling makes messages more
persuasive and relevant. The use of narrative
-
-
orable.
In the monographic section, the latest issue
of Obra Digital contains articles analyzing how
well-known artists utilize tools such as alternate
reality games (ARGs) to achieve greater engage-
ment with their audience. It also studies how
literature disseminated through interactive
and transmedia products operates, as well as
how queer groups are represented to promote
a positive change in the construction of their
identity and the creation of virtual avatars as a
marketing strategy to encourage collective cre-
ation.
In the miscellaneous section, various topics are
       
evidencing the political commitment of director
Francesco Rosi, explore high-tension relation-
ships such as that between Italian politics and
-
Universidad del Azuay
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6248-1925
Universitat de Vic - Universitat Central de Catalunya (UVic-UCC)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2746-4326


77
Storytelling in the Digital Age
ity of didactic audiovisual series to reach young
audiences with topics as varied as philosophy
teaching through a study of the series Merli. In
-
edge and its productive routines are examined
by benchmarking the practices of institutional

the correspondence between the public and
media agendas in Ecuador’s traditional print
and independent digital media.

for disseminating knowledge generated in doc-
toral research, this edition addresses issues
related to the persistence of gender discrim-
    
technological advances in both digital platforms
and the media.
This edition aims to deepen readers’ under-
standing of the rapid evolution of communica-
tion tools, their applications, and their impact

88
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Universitat de Vic - Universitat Central de Catalunya
Universidad del Azuay


Transmedia, Interactions and Culture
10
I
INTRODUCTION


Sports communication, beyond sports journalism
The proliferation of platforms in global media
ecosystems has changed the forms of sto-
ries, and narrative processes in their entirety
throughout cultural production (Poell, Nieborg

premise to explore through its articles sever-
al cases of narrative innovations and aspects
related to transmedia, social interactions, and
culture. This starting point opens and contrib-
utes to updating a territory of academic and
research discussion of more than two decades
of transformation, which is mixed with other
social and cultural phenomena such as fandom
(Booth’s volume, 2018 or Fiske’s classic, 2002),
and the role of celebrities (see, for example,
Turner’s work, 2010), and  (Booth &
Matic, 2011).
This introduction is structured around the con-
cept of platformization in tension with works on
celebrities to propose the notion of 
 as a concept that allows explaining
some of the narrative innovations that emerge
in this context of ecosystem transformation.
The case used for this case is the analysis of
the activity on social networks of Shakira’s song
that later earned her the Latin Grammy of 2023

     
to contextualizing the fertile possibilities and
combinations both for the creation and for the

ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8391-3638

Joan Ramon Rodriguez-Amat, PhD - Principal Lecturer at the School of Journalism, Media and

spaces, the cultural constructions of time and space, citizenship, and power (see http:communica-
tivespaces.org). This threefold discussion emerges at the intersection of research on media gover-
nance, cultural production and democratic debates; and the communities and identities - includ-
ing sexual, national and cultural identities - that emerge from the geopolitics of social networking
platforms and communication technologies.
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1111
Joan Ramon Rodríguez-Amat
analysis and understanding of the stories that
weave global culture.
The concept of platformization, already used by
Helmond to refer to “the rise of the platform
as the dominant infrastructural and economic
model of the social web and its consequences,
in its historical context. Platformization entails
the extension of social media platforms into
the rest of the web and their drive to make
external web data “platform ready.” (2015). It
is therefore a phenomenon that permeates
many aspects of modern society, leading to
the development of platformization studies,
which focus on professional and labor dynam-
ics (Casilli & Posada, 2019; Pires & Tomasena, &
Piña 2024), creative, and interactional interac-
tions in which they follow one another thanks
to the mediation of a complex digital interface
that extends social, cultural, or professional in-
teractions, through mobile screens and data
warehouses, building a “connective world” (Van

distinguished by its emphasis on cross-cutting
aspects that extend from the conditions of con-
tent production to the conditions of interaction
with them; and in between, aspects related to
distributed production (throughout the length
and breadth of networks) and its algorithmic
distribution. For this reason, platformization
studies also consider the role of fans and -
 in the dissemination and interpretation
of cultural production, in addition to paying at-
tention to the precarious economic conditions
faced by platform workers.
     
occur in platformization, several logics can be
distinguished that overlap and mix: Economic,
productive and labor logics on the one hand;
legal and governance logics on the other; and
the logics of cultural production and con-
sumption. In this way, while it is insisted that
platforms function as intermediaries between
online access communities and proprietary in-
dustrial infrastructures, and often extend their

value, they also generate conditions for the for-
mation of cultural communities in frameworks

2020). To distinguish these three aspects, this
text opens the three fronts separately.
The economic and productive logic of platforms

owners in complex ways because the forms of
-
vorced from the complex processes of distribu-
tion and consumption. Platforms such as fast
food, or parcel transport, or care for the elderly
(Ticona & Mateescu, 2018), are installed in log-
ics of precariousness and interaction that un-
der masks of virtuality or online interactions
mask conditions of materiality that evade
legal protection frameworks. There are many
open research fronts that explore these rela-
tionship conditions and the social communities
that emerge in the shadow of these structures
and interfaces (examples include booktubers
(Tomasena & Scolari, 2024), riders (Pires, To-
masena, & Piña, 2024) or YouTube communi-
ties (Pires, Masanet, Tomasena & Scolari, 2024).
Platform revenue and monetization models
are also part of these productive and economic
logics, and while platforms are often oriented
towards cultural production, traditional reve-
nue models have also evolved in favor of dig-
ital logics of impact and reception measures
that update contemporary ad-based revenue
streams, for example in the music sector. sub-
scriptions, online sales, or live events (Marshall,
2013). These dynamics extend in cascade
-
portunities in models that simultaneously feed
on complex algorithmic logics and incom-
prehensible to the creators themselves that
send them to create in uncertain, precarious
1212

and trans-platform environments (see, for ex-
ample, Glatt, 2022). Among the platforms that
complement the work of creators with much
more personalized monetization models are
     
through platforms such as Patreon (Bonifacio,
      
(Hamilton, et al, 2022) among others. In this
context, professional content creation is mixed
and confused with the privacy of artists and
with content created by fans or non-profes-
sional creators who distribute content through
platforms and social networks. User-generated
content (UGC) is spread and multiplied by plat-
forms such as TikTok, Instagram, and YouTube,
allowing individuals or small groups to create
and disseminate content without large produc-
tion budgets (classically anticipated by Jenkins,
2006b).

productive logic of the platforms, generate – as
a by-product of this activity rich data repos-
itories that turn the platforms into databases
that can be analyzed and processed to identify
behaviors, models, patterns, and possibilities
of demographic, sociocultural, or sexual analy-
sis that the platforms can return to creators
to help them develop content by improving
the quality of production (Anderson, 2006); or
selling to help businesses determine consum-

models of criminal behavior, in data, dataism,

     
platforms at the top of a “winner-takes-all”
structure, as Thomas Poell described it in his
inaugural lecture at the University of Amster-
dam’s Chair of Data, Culture, and Institutions
(Poell, 2022). And although it could be argued
whether it is more of a pyramid fraud, the ex-
ploitation model is clear.
From a legal and organizational point of view,
platforms also happen in an intermediate zone
of alegal or precarious opportunity. Many plat-
forms operate globally, often within tax and
regulatory havens, and adhere to selective sets

turned the idea of a platform into an econom-
ic and legal model that favors corporations; in
this sense, corporations such as PornHub have
adopted the platform model (Rodriguez-Amat,
& Belinskaya, 2023). For example, ride-shar-
ing platforms such as Uber and Lyft connect
passengers with drivers and control access to
data, pricing structures, and user experiences,
although users may perceive them as neutral
service providers (Rosenblat and Stark, 2016).
In addition, complex negotiations over access
to resources such as data, information, deci-
sion-making processes, and legal frameworks
further highlight the intricate dynamics at play
(classically, Gillespie’s original work, 2010, and
its development in 2017; Plantin et al., 2016)
that establish conditions for publication, shar-
ing and moderation of content. Economic pro-

management, and working conditions, are inte-
gral to these negotiations.
Precisely the issue of data is one of the key as-
pects that challenges the function and dynam-
ics of platforms. Legal and ethical challenges
include those related to copyright, fair use,
and intellectual property, especially in the area
of user-generated content and remix culture
(Lessig, 2004; Sarikakis, Krug, Rodriguez-Amat,
2017). Lately, however, the discussion about
the ownership of available content has shifted
to the debate around the databases of gener-

this new dynamic are Apple’s recent announce-
ment of an agreement with OpenAI for its data
to also be used to train ChatGPT (Kleinman, Mc-
Mahon, 2024).
1313
Joan Ramon Rodríguez-Amat
These legal and organisational frameworks,
which slip platform logics between economic,
labour, productive and legal precariousness,
articulate cultural production more and more
clearly and frame the forms of participation
and production, consumption and distribution
      

opportunities for creators, they also present
challenges, such as sustainability for creators
and managing complex issues related to copy-
right and intellectual property (Sanchez-Cartas,
2021). These dynamics continue to shape and

in the digital age.
In this sense, the cultural and community and
platform logic extends symbolically from the
-
tural production, consumption patterns, and

and material aspects of the creative industries
-

Instagram and YouTube that have revolution-
ized cultural consumption and interpretation
by “democratizing” access to cultural produc-
     
and creators to reach global audiences and cir-
cumventing traditional mechanisms of control
(Burgess and Green, 2009) and misleadingly
feeding narratives about networks and plat-
forms as spaces of “free access” and “solidarity”
between participants (Yu, Trere, Bonini, 2022).
It is true, however, that platforms have ampli-

greater inclusion within the cultural landscape,
and that they foster hybridity and cultural fu-
sion, leading to innovative forms of expression
and dynamic feedback-driven creative process-
es (Lobato & Thomas, 2015).
Platforms facilitate audience participation and
interaction, giving rise to fan communities, fan
     
with cultural products (Baym, 2015). The inter-
action between social media and traditional
media involves a dynamic exchange of con-
tent, in which social media discourse shapes
traditional media articles and vice versa. This
exchange is facilitated by the convergence of
    
allows for the rapid dissemination of social
media content (Giles, 2018). Traditional media
      
to wide dissemination and commentary in the
online sphere. Social media platforms, particu-
larly Twitter, exemplify the power of reciprocal
exchange and community sharing, revealing
intricate networks and patterns of content dis-
semination (Passman et al., 2014).
     -
tions for interactivity and interaction thanks to

the conditions for creativity. The rise of ephem-
eral content, popularized by platforms such
as    , emphasiz-
es immediacy and authenticity in content cre-
ation (Leaver et al., 2020). They are new forms
of narrative creation that call for new forms of
research and new conceptual models that help
explain the processes that move viral through
global networks, for example, memes (Geb-
oers, & Pilipets), 2024; Carpenter, 2024).
However, platforms sophisticated content
management algorithms have far-reaching im-
plications for cultural consumption patterns
-

gain prominence and provoking debates about
algorithms among users (e.g. Silva, Chen, Zhu,
2024, or Prey, Esteve-Del-Valle, 2024).
The platform model, moreover, is mixed with
social media discussions and involves various
entities, including traditional celebrities, in-
1414

   
    
accounts, renowned fans, parody accounts,
companies, brands, organizations, and bots.
Each of these actors contributes uniquely to
the intricate tapestry of social media discourse
(Davis et al., 2018; Alterkavi & Erbay, 2021; Fer-
rara, 2020).
       -
pacity for dissemination because they have ac-
cumulated a large number of followers. Their
activity shapes trends, disseminates content
-
    
of cultural products (Abidin, 2016, Zhang, 2023

  
        -
tense public scrutiny and media coverage. In


due to their visibility and social status (see, for
example, the work of Dyer, 2019).
The centrality of networks and connections in
the cultivation of celebrities is well established
-
lebrities, in particular, rely heavily on strategic
networking facilitated by mechanisms such as
multichannel networks and collaborative ven-
tures (Lobato, 2016; Rasmussen, 2018). Celeb-
rity culture emphasizes interpersonal relation-
ships, extending beyond individuals to include
their associates, partners, and family members,
      
2001; Deller, 2016).
The discourse around the private lives of celeb-
rities, characterized by gossip and speculation,
is prevalent in fan communities and has gained
prominence on social media platforms (Mar-
wick & boyd, 2011; Prins, 2020). The analytical
discourse based on fans’ interpretations of ce-
lebrities’ creative products further contributes
to the complexity of this interaction (Zhang,
2021). Fans, anti-fans, and general audiences
often compete with celebrities and their prox-
ies for narrative control (Dare-Edwards, 2014;
Baym, 2018).
Platforms such as Twitter create a “context col-
lapse”, in which diverse audiences converge
within a single social context (boyd, 2008). Nav-
igating these multiple audiences is crucial for
celebrities to maintain their public image and
manage impressions (Marwick & Boyd, 2011).
This underscores the importance of network-
ing, relationships, and audience engagement in
online celebrity culture.
Fan work encompasses a wide range of practic-
es, from altruistic activities in the “gift economy”

the dissemination and recirculation of content
on social media, often on behalf of celebrities
and fan-centric entities, regardless of explicit
endorsement. Tensions arise around owner-
ship, authority, copyright, image governance,
and the potential exploitation of unpaid labor
(Jenkins, 2006).
In fan communities, certain individuals gain
elevated status as “big-name fans” or “super
fans,” who possess substantial “fan capital” due
to their sustained engagement, frequent con-
tributions, entertainment value, demonstrated
talents or skills, and access to insider informa-
tion or individuals within the fan community
(Hills, 2006; Sarikakis, Krug, & Rodríguez-Amat,
2017).
-

One of the cases that has marked the year
2023 is that of the phenomenon Shakira and
Pique, which exploded in January with the pub-
lication of the song that anticipated the couple’s
1515
Joan Ramon Rodríguez-Amat


Dacosta, 2023).
     -
tional celebrity, her music transcends gender
and linguistic boundaries. Her ethnic identi-
ty and her portrait as an idealized Colombian
     
      -
mercial brands (Cepeda, 2003; Fuchs, 2010;
Douglas, 2022). Shakira’s ability to cross cultur-
al boundaries, negotiate feminine archetypes,
and navigate her complex identities enhances
her transnational appeal (Gontovnik, 2010).
Shakira’s relationship with Gerard Piqué, a
     -
      -
ish-speaking and transcontinental power
      
appeal within Spanish-speaking communities
and beyond (Quiroga, 2017). Shakira’s music,
     -
sonal experiences such as her separation from
Piqué, illustrates her use of music as a means
of personal expression (Doyle, 2013; Goodman

within the Spanish-speaking world, and their
interactions through platforms with fan com-
munities.
The example of Shakira and Pique can be stud-
ied as a reference opportunity to understand
processes of innovation in the formation of
narratives that emerge through social media
platforms and that contribute to critical discus-
sions about the creative industries and the po-
litical economy of  and celebrities. In
this way, the dynamics of interactions between
fandom and audiences, and the emerging plat-
forms and music industry around the release
of the song “SHAKIRA || BZRP Music Sessions
#53” in January 2023 helps to open up the
space of cases occupied by this special issue of
Obra Digital, as a case of distributed narrative,
that is, a bouquet of stories that are dissemi-
nated through platforms and that acquire a dis-
tributed nature that is autonomous from more
or less planned commercial narratives.
Computational methods (Trilling, van Atteveldt
& Arcila Calderon, 2022) were used to collect
and analyze Twitter data focused on Shakira’s
transnational stardom and her relationship
with Gerard Piqué. Using a Python script (mod-

between January 8 and 16, 2023. The focus was
on hashtags and keywords such as “piqué”,
“shakira”, “BZRP”, “Bizarrap”, “mz53”, “Piqué”,
“Clara Chía” and “ClaraChía”. This method yield-
ed a dataset of 6,815,565 tweets, most of them
in Spanish (5,735,899), English (373,900), Portu-
guese (273,307) and French (72,691).
      -
trated promotional strategies and communi-
ty-driven reactions within Shakira and Piqué’s
. One notable aspect is the “Controlled/
Programmed Explosion,” where strategically
timed press releases generated anticipation for
the song’s release. Key  and promi-
nent fans were recruited to amplify engage-
     
campaign’s reach. After the release, “Ripples,
   were detected,
characterized by interpretive chains where fans
explored, discussed, and created parodies of
the song. These activities fostered parallel nar-
ratives and interconnected conversations, al-
lowing an interpretive network to emerge in the
hands of fans. This communal interaction was
further underscored by the formation of dis-
tinct factions within the . Fans aligned
themselves with Shakira or Piqué, expressing
their loyalty through hashtags such as #te-
ampique and #teamshakira.
1616

On the periphery of this very personal activi-

agents emerged that further developed the
conversation and narrative networks. The in-
volvement of corporate entities such as Casio
and Renault opened the front for “networked
brand management-driven responses.” These
companies strategically aligned themselves
with Shakira or Piqué to improve their brand
visibility, demonstrating the interplay between
celebrity culture and corporate branding. The
social media managers of both corporations
made gestures back and forth, starting by en-
couraging divergence and polarization, to end
up retracting and returning to the central space
of the discursive range.
In this sense, the research highlights an intri-
cate dynamic of the platform’s logic, revealing
a pyramidal scheme of  and network
capital that opens up to a dispersed partici-
pation of users who end up appropriating the
narrative generating new and decentralized

orchestrated nature of the promotional strate-
gies and organic, community-driven responses
within Shakira and Piqué’s ; but they
also underscore the opportunity to dedicate
future research to the peripheries of these
networks. Only by exploring outside the center
of cultural-capital can one understand the real
dynamics of fan engagement and their dynam-
ics of narrative creation, as well as generate
methodological and conceptual opportunities
to capture that form of narrative innovation.


This special issue of Obra Digital compiles sev-

narrative experiences and studies that explore
these innovations. Each contribution delves into

strategies, highlighting their importance in con-
temporary cultural and media landscapes: the
body of contributions is made up of four arti-
  
     
versus the narrative universe of Taylor Swift
(Lucía Garrido-Rodríguez y Alfonso Freire-Sán-
chez); the second, considers interactive crime

tools (Irene Solanich Sanglas). The third article
is about the experience of rapper Lil Nas X and
the transmedia strategies that surround his al-
bum “Montero” (2021) (Ana Sedeño-Valdellós
y Ana Alicia Balbuena Morilla); and the fourth
contribution considers the case of hololive,
the Japanese virtual talent agency consisting of
virtual YouTubers as a transmedia experience
(Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves,
Júlio César Ferreira y Gabriela Diniz).  
article, in focuses

times of digital convergence and platformiza-
      
space for narrative innovations and conceptual
and methodological tools to study them within
the framework of the media ecosystems of dig-
ital platforms
Alternate reality (ARG) games are a powerful
tool for engaging fans within expansive narra-
tive universes. In recent times, the impact of
alternative reality games on the environmental
-
plored (Xiong, et al, 2024). Or to improve stu-
dent learning in museums (Liang, et al., 2024).
-
mersive experiences for participants and help,
for example, students to solve problems and
explore solutions in game mode while devel-
oping their knowledge. In learning frameworks
it is a very useful and creative way to increase
the participation and involvement of students
in the learning process; in fan frameworks,
1717
Joan Ramon Rodríguez-Amat
success repeats and allows these principles of
connection and engagement to be applied with
brand strategies, illustrating the potential for
ARGs to improve consumer engagement and
loyalty. The article featured in this volume is a
study of Taylor Swift’s use of ARG and explores
   -
grated into what becomes a communication
strategy and narrative universe. The study con-

characteristics of successful ARGs following
the theoretical foundations established by ac-
ademics such as McGonigal (2011). In the case
of Taylor Swift’s communication initiative, the
     -

communication strategy excels in the expert
use of these elements to create a cohesive and
engaging experience for fans across multiple
platforms.
The possibilities of didactic exploration are also
the focus of the second article of the volume.
        -
gate the didactic potential of interactive and
transmedia narratives. The study analyzes how
these narratives can be adapted, through inter-
active designs and transmedia, to be applied in
educational contexts, and proposes innovative
methods for teaching literature to secondary
school students. The study is based on theo-
retical models such as that of Murray (1997),
who highlighted the potential of digital envi-
ronments to create attractive and participatory
narrative experiences; and extends to educa-

learning, which suggest that interactive and
game-based learning can improve student en-
gagement and understanding (Gee, 2007; De-
terding, 2015). The study describes the process
of designing an engaging, educational, interac-
tive narrative aimed at improving the teaching
of literature; and in doing so, delves into the
practical aspects of the creation of interactive
and transmedia crime novels for educational
purposes, based on concrete examples and
discussing the theoretical foundations of inter-
active narrative design.
The third article leaves the educational aspect
and returns to the music industry, connecting
again with the case of Taylor Swift. In this case,
however, it is about the transmedia strategies
employed by Lil Nas X in his visual album ‘Mon-
tero’ (2021) to understand how these strategies
build the musician’s identity and audience par-
ticipation. Drawing on cultural and multimodal
analysis, the study examines how the integra-
tion of visual motifs and social media content
contributes to the construction of a queer iden-
tity and engages audiences through a cohesive

the theoretical frameworks of the construc-
tion of identity and media representation are
rescued (Hall, 1997; Butler, 1990), and extend
to digital narratives and transmedia through
a multimodal analysis that allows us to under-
stand the complex interaction between the dif-
ferent forms of media in contemporary story-
telling (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2001). The study

narrative strategy to articulate and amplify mar-
ginalized voices. The intertextuality and cultural
references within the visual album and its social
media-related content underscore the innova-

narrative approach.
The fourth article studies the world of VTubers
– or virtual  Recent research is ded-
icated to exploring the ways in which VTubers
challenge the question of  authenticity
(Schmieder, 2024). The VTuber phenomenon

       
exploratory work recently on ways to connect
1818

with fans and their veracity (see for example
Martin, et al 2024).
The article in this volume looks at the Japanese
virtual talent agency Hololive and how it exem-

and transmedia storytelling. The study explores
how Hololive leverages the combination of nar-
ratives and engagement to increase audience
engagement and engagement. The study pro-
vides insights into the mechanisms behind the
success of VTubers and their fan communities,

participatory media. The research highlights
the role of fan-produced content and participa-
tory culture in the broader success of VTuber’s
-
er-generated content and fan communities in
shaping contemporary media landscapes.
In an era of complex platformization and con-
vergence of the media, gender inequality in
     
challenge. A study investigates the factors that
     -
ists. Analyzing data from 387 surveyed profes-
sionals, the study shows the need for systemic
change to achieve gender equality in the pro-
    
for representation and equity in media profes-
sions already systematically described (e.g., in
Byerly, 2023; Melki & Mallat, 2019). Based on
     -

based on feminist studies on the media.
The studies presented in this special issue col-
lectively underscore the transformative poten-
tial of interactive narratives and media conver-
gence in various domains from advocacy in the
     -
ities in the professional sector. From music
      
     
storytelling, but also foster deeper audience
engagement and contribute to cultural and
identity formation. Through the compilation of
these various case studies, this issue provides
valuable insights into the changing landscape
of narrative and media and their opportunities
for analysis.
1919
Joan Ramon Rodríguez-Amat

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
-
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

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-
ical practices of Chinese real person slash fans, Celebrity Studies, 12:2,
346-351, DOI: 10.1080/19392397.2020.1765074
1
Juegos de realidad alternativa (ARG) e implicación del
fandom en el universo narrativo de Taylor Swift



ARTICLE
Universidad Abat Oliba CEU
Lucía Garrido is a graduate in Advertising and Public Relations from Abat Oliba CEU University.

the International School of Protocol and has studied Communication as part of the Exchange
Program at Florida International University. She has the distinction of having organized and
presented the XVII edition of the GoliADs UAO CEU Awards and of having obtained the CEU
Mérit100 scholarship for academic merit. She has worked as an Account Management Trainee
at Havas Media and in Production at the agency La Diferencia.
lgarridor@uao.es
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0004-7840-2162
Universidad Abat Oliba CEU
Alfonso Freire-Sánchez holds a PhD in Communication Sciences, a Bachelor’s degree in Adver-
tising and Public Relations, and a Bachelor’s degree in Humanities. He has been a collaborating
professor at the Autonomous University of Barcelona, the Open University of Catalonia, and the
ENTI School of the University of Barcelona. He is currently the Director of Studies in Advertising


the best teaching work (2013-2014) and the FlixOlé-URJC award for the best research article
(2023). He has specialized in audiovisual narrative in cinema, advertising, and video games.
freire3@uao.es
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2082-1212
RECIBIDO: 2023-10-19 / ACEPTADO: 2024-03-12


25
OBRA DIGITAL, 25, June 2024, pp. 25-40, e-ISSN 2014-5039
DOI: https://doi.org/10.25029/od.2024.404.25
2626
Alternate reality games (ARG) and fandom involvement in Taylor Swift’s
narrative universe
Abstract
The study aims to determine which elements
of singer Taylor Swift’s alternate reality games
(ARGs) are integrated into her communication
strategy and narrative universe. To achieve this,
it proposes extrapolating the characteristics
that ARGs possess according to specialized
literature and applying these variables from
the Swift Universe as a successful ARG model
applicable to commercial brands. The results


strategy revolves around a narrative universe
that has expanded across numerous platforms
and networks over the years.

Narrative universe, Taylor Swift, alternate reality
games, ARG, personal brand.


      
(ARG) de la cantante Taylor Swift se integran en
su estrategia de comunicación y su universo
narrativo. Para ello, se plantea detectar las car-
acterísticas que poseen los ARG según la liter-
atura especializada y extrapolar estas variables
del  como modelo de éxito de ARG
aplicable a marcas comerciales. Los resultados
demuestran que el ARG cumple con 19/20 car-
      
comunicación pivota en un universo narrativo
que se ha expandido en multitud de platafor-
mas y redes durante años.

-
idad alterna, ARG, marca personal.
 
Alternate reality games, or ARGs (Alternate
Reality Games), are fragmented, complex, and

elements of the real world and virtual elements
to create an immersive and highly participa-
tory game experience (Piñeiro-Otero & Costa,
2015). This typology derives from audiovisu-
al, interactive, and transmedia narratives that
have developed “strategies and mechanisms
to encourage collaboration, participation, and
involvement of audiences” (Gifreu, 2017, p. 7).
In this context, the manuscript aims to inves-
tigate the relationship between the narrative
universe of the American singer Taylor Swift
and alternate reality games (ARGs). This is done
to determine which elements of this interac-
tive storytelling technique are integrated into
the 360º communication strategy and the con-
struction of the Swift universe and are associat-
ed with the personal brand of one of the most

entertainment industry today.
 

An ARG is a narrative that “requires a great deal
of cooperation from participants and articulates
activities inside and outside the media space”
(Scolari, 2013, p.265). It is also categorized as
transmedia because it is “a story composed of
a series of fragments that may be disintegrat-
       -
structed by users” (Villén, 2017, p.125-126), as
if it were a puzzle. The ecosystems where the


enter and participate, especially in those on-
line, as they are “spaces capable of construct-

2727
Lucía Garrido-Rodríguez, Alfonso Freire-Sánchez
2017, p.120). These require the construction
of narrative universes where “other elements

the creation of mixed narratives come to life”
(Freire-Sánchez  2023, p.21).
According to Montola (2010), alternative reali-
ty games originated in Life Action Role Player,
traditional board role-playing games that ap-
peared in the 1970s and are characterized by
users adopting a role under certain conditions

also point to video games as their origin (Mon-
tes, 2010), especially the adventure games
created by Ron Gilbert, such as Maniac Man-
sion (1988) and Monkey Island (1990), a type
of video game based on exploration and puz-
zle-solving in an interactive environment. Par-
adoxically, according to the acronym and their
origin, these games are based on the principle
or axiom: This is not a game, as their elements
mimic reality and are perfectly integrated into
the universes in which they occur. This means
that the ARG does not look like a game and that
the players forget that they are playing.
       
-
tion of a game; however, due to the intention-
ality of the design that shapes them in terms
of the relationship that is established between
the dynamics and mechanics that govern it and
the aspiration to win and reach the end of the
question, it maintains similarities and charac-
teristics. However, it should be noted that gam-

use of game elements and game design tech-
niques in non-game contexts, and it is also con-
sidered a driver of ARGs. Huotari and Hamari
(2012) claim that this technique transforms
non-game environments into more interactive
and fun spaces. Ramirez (2020), on the other
-
tertain, engage, build loyalty and enhance the
experience” (p.26). This puts the focus on gen-
erating passion, motivation, and participation.
The internal structure and the elements that
    
dynamics, are largely extrapolable to ARGs,
hence their common denominator. On the one
hand, the most common mechanics that can
be present in both techniques are the accumu-
lation of points, levels, incentives with prizes or
gifts, the existence of leaderboards, the propos-
al of challenges, missions, and challenges that
are achievable and motivational. On the other
hand, as far as the dynamics are concerned,
we talk about, among others, the aspiration to
-
wards, and the pursuit of the feeling of achieve-
ment and competition (Contreras, 2018).
The idea behind an ARG - whose narrative usu-
ally revolves around searching for a missing
person, stopping a catastrophe, or solving an
enigma - arises in very early forms of entertain-
ment, such as treasure hunt games or mystery
books (Lungo & Melon, 2016). Likewise, the
-
        
1997). However, it was not until 2001 that al-
ternative reality games took shape as such and
 -
ry, with The Beast, created by Elan Lee in 2001

      
(Spielberg, 2001). The ARG lasted over three
months and generated millions of interactions
in forums and online communities, as seen in
its platforms and RRSS.
Therefore, it is not surprising that new propos-
als emerged that immediately gained popular-
ity among users due to the results obtained
from the implementation of ARGs in promo-
2828
Alternate reality games (ARG) and fandom involvement in Taylor Swift’s
narrative universe
tional actions and their potential for applica-
., 2013). This
       
(2005), and I Love Bees (2004); the latter was
part of the advertising campaign for the video
game Halo 2 (Bungie, 2004). Some ARGs are on

So Serious? (2007), which was designed by 42
      

months, during which more than ten million

(Piñeiro-Otero & Costa, 2015).

in hand with new technologies and communi-
 
2020; Ruíz-García, 2022). Although there are
certain discrepancies among theorists regard-
ing the temporal division of the history of ARGs
(Ruíz-García, 2022), experts agree that the
boom occurred in what they consider the sec-
-
tute (2011), Cicada 3310 (2014) and The Black

The IGDA (International Game Developers As-
     
alternate reality games (Martin  ., 2006).
Firstly, promotional games are the result of
marketing strategies. They are characterized
by establishing links between the brand and its
followers, which makes them believe that the
game has been designed for them. Due to their
high media impact, promotional games gener-
ate conversations and content that become ad-
vertising content. They are also characterized
by the high interaction, emotional intensity, and

Secondly, there are product or service games.
These ARGs are products; therefore, something
in return is required to participate. An example
-
pology is the single-player ARG, designed for
individual solving of clues and puzzles, which
      
and is, therefore, more of a surrogate for al-
ternate reality games. In contrast, base games,
created entirely by brand fans, can be consid-
ered ARGs in their entirety. These may be whol-
ly original or a continuation of an existing idea
from the brand’s narrative universe. Finally, we

for a new learning model (Kapp, 2012) due to
their collaborative character.

exclusive. In other words, more than one cat-
egory can be present in an ARG. It should be
added that ARGs are mainly based on three pil-
lars: the narrative component, the action me-
chanics, and community interaction (De Beer &
Bothma, 2016; Aldegani & Caballero, 2022). The
narrative that integrates an ARG is atomized
(Scolari, 2013); that is, it is presented fragment-

and unify to create a coherent narrative thread
that makes sense of the story (Stewart, 2006).
At the same time, these pieces are determined
by a series of encrypted clues designed to be
deciphered by the users.
The story that is presented and eventually
shaped, as in any narrative, unfolds on a time
axis, but the players’ interaction develops the
narrative thread’s structure. This means it is a
spontaneous narrative arising from interaction
and what the individuals determine (De Beer
& Bothma, 2016). Furthermore, it will continue
based on the player’s progress and not on what
the creator wants. All this is done to encourage
      
the clues and problems from a group decision.
The aim is to enhance the user experience and
the link between the player and the game.
2929
Lucía Garrido-Rodríguez, Alfonso Freire-Sánchez
Moreover, in the narrative of an ARG, there is
direct contact between characters and players

deeply with the story and become part of it,
also due to their essential role in the course of
the story. Even so, even though individuals are
playing, they are not shown in the game and the

character or through an avatar; instead, they
“retain their identity and do not pass through
a threshold between real life and simulation”
(Sicart, 2014, p.60). In this way, the action me-
chanics of alternate reality games are based
on the search for clues and the determination
of the position/protagonism that these take in
the ARG story; therefore, it is sustained by dis-
covery and secrecy (Scolari, 2013). According to
Stewart (2011), the game is more relaxed if no
one knows what they are doing or why. More-
over, although initially, the correlation between
all the pieces of the narrative is practically null,
they are all a determining factor in the dis-
course of the plot.
On the other hand, ARGs take place in both a
simulated and an everyday world (De Beer &
Bothma, 2016), combining the media and the
extra-media (Scolari, 2013). Indeed, ARGs are
more dynamic if they reach viewers through
      -
cause narrative expansions are not limited to
a particular medium but “depend largely on the
      
temporal context in which they are developed”
(Aldegani & Caballero, 2022, p.45). These chan-
nels and formats can include virtual reality, aug-
mented reality, and geolocation.
Structurally, in an ARG, the beginning is known
- once it is discovered - and what the purpose
is, but the end is not known because it can
change; it is regenerative. The game begins
with a dynamic of searching for one or several

that “can appear encrypted in paratexts, web-
sites, blogs, videos, emails, SMS, audios, texts
-
tention of the largest possible audience” (Villén,
2017, p.125). Once these materials and the en-
try point to the game, called rabbit hole or trail-
head, have been detected, the player decides
whether or not to enter the ARG.
From that moment on, as they progress in
the search and solving of clues, users sponta-
neously and naturally establish a knowledge of

what actions they can perform. ARGs do not al-
ways establish a clear register that structures
and organizes their stages; therefore, it can be
considered that the player will not understand
the structure that has led them to the end of

-
rative are established mainly by the players as
the game unfolds (McGonigal, 2011). This turns
-
-
posals.
This mechanic that sustains ARGs is possible

are responsible for producing, regulating, and
guiding the game. Experts such as McGonigal
(2006) or Kim . (2009) play a crucial role in
ARGs; they establish themselves as the point of
connection between the players and the narra-
tive. Puppeteers design the clues that players
will encounter, and that will motivate them to
continue playing. Consequently, they are con-
stantly listening to what the players are saying,
agreeing, and determining the resolution or
continuity of the narrative thread to determine
the channels and clues that will give succession
        
which it has been designed (Janes, 2015).
3030
Alternate reality games (ARG) and fandom involvement in Taylor Swift’s
narrative universe
        
of the puppeteer requires a lot of creativity
and adaptability, as the players may not act as
expected. As Schell (2008) argues, games are
about following the rules and breaking them. It


game and, consequently, the course of the nar-

designers when to hold the strings of the game
like puppeteers and when to let go” (p.7). The
involvement is so high that “new experiments
have taken the puppeteer and turned him into
a character within the narrative, who leaves
cryptic messages to the audience intended to

Regarding fandom interaction, it should be not-
ed that “a game only exists when it is played”
(Hunicke, 2004, p.429), which implies the need
to make the ARG want to be played. Under this
premise, alternative reality games move, es-
pecially games that are born, live, and end de-
pending on the player’s will to continue playing.
The search for the link of complete dependence
that is established between game and player is
the engine and the explanation of everything
that happens in an ARG and, therefore, a ba-
sic principle that guides them in their develop-
ment and success is that “the participants are
the stars” (Scolari, 2013, p.268). Each challenge
and each clue has to get “the player to inter-
vene and perform actions beyond a mere inter-
pretation exercise” (Aldegani & Caballero, 2022,
p.45). The user has to search, think, and fully
immerse (McGonigal, 2011) naturally and deep-
ly (De Beer & Bothma, 2016) in the narrative.
They have to internalize everything thrown at
them and accept that the elements of the game
merge with their reality.
It should be pointed out that when we speak
of a player, we should not simply think of them
as an individual acting alone but as a user who
        -
mon identity. This identity captures the most
essential traits of the members of the collec-
tive, which creates a shared and coordinated
self-awareness and modus operandi (Turner,
2010).
ARGs thus create communities where the feel-
      

be fully developed since, due to the multi-me-
dia and narrative expansion that arises - which
moves both in real life and online life - it would
be impossible to solve the enigma by oneself.
Therefore, the very generation of clues itself is
based on the intention that it should result in
a collective, cooperative, and participatory ex-
perience (Scolari, 2013; Stewart, 2011), where
., 2017) and
the resolution of each clue that gives continuity
to the story depends on the use of collective
intelligence (Hook, 2017).
As for the characteristic of collective intelli-
gence, it refers to what Jenkins (2002) calls
hive-mind and, according to Lévy (2004), to “an
intelligence that is distributed everywhere, con-
stantly valorized, coordinated in real-time, lead-
-

single line of thinking, is related to the emerging
participatory culture that has been solidifying
over time due to the synergy of three trends
described by Jenkins (2006): the new tools and
technologies that enable co-creation, the sub-
cultures that promote the Do It Yourself dis-
course, and the media ecology.
New tools and technologies allow consumers
to save, annotate, appropriate, and distribute
the content found in the media. From the be-
haviors from which this participatory culture
3131
Lucía Garrido-Rodríguez, Alfonso Freire-Sánchez
derives, it is evident that the interaction and
connection between users, especially in ARGs,
is based on communication and information
     -
nities of alternative reality games lived in blogs
and chats; nowadays, social networks are con-
sidered the backbone of ARGs, as these digital
social experiences mainly take place. Finally, it
is worth highlighting the validity and topicality
of ARGs, as Ruíz-García (2022) states: “They are
ludonarrative experiences that are alive and
     -
cence fueled by new uses and new technologi-
cal forms that enliven and reproduce them” (p.
385).
As far as fandom’s contribution is concerned,
it is worth mentioning that ARGs are used for
the phenomenon of transcreation and trans-
authorship, which, to paraphrase Papadaki and
Volakis (2022), is produced by the character-
istics of the current transmedia environment
that cause synergies between many produc-
tion companies and cultural industries with the
users’ creations or the original creators of the
alternate game.
As can be seen, studies on ARGs and the trans-
media and interactive narrative universes that
form the ecosystem in which they develop are
       -
sion of the state of the question. As mentioned
-
gate the relationship between the narrative
universe of the American singer Taylor Swift
and the ARGs. In this way, it aims to determine
which elements of this interactive storytelling
technique are integrated into the 360º com-
munication strategy and the construction of
the Swift universe. It is associated with the per-

famous artists in the music and entertainment
industry today.
Singer-songwriter, producer, director, and ac-
tress Taylor Alison Swift is one of the biggest
American stars in the world. In her 17-year ca-
reer, she has released ten original albums and
four re-recordings. Since her early days, Swift
has been committed to expanding the musi-
cal experience beyond simply listening to her
songs; she engages her fans, known as Swifties,
in the imagery she has built up after the release
of a new album. For this reason, it is appropri-
ate for us to extract the main characteristics
       
according to the existing literature and to check
whether the ‘Swift universe’ and its relationship
with its fandom could be considered an ARG,

 
To determine which elements of singer Taylor
Swift’s alternate reality games are integrated
into her communication strategy and nar-
rative universe, an interdisciplinary analysis
methodology used by other authors such as
Castelló-Martínez (2020) or Vidal-Mestre 
 (2023) is proposed. This methodology has
made it possible to extract the main character-
istics of the existing literature to date on ARG
games and to establish the state of the art
(McGonigal, 2011; Stewart, 2011; Scolari, 2013;
Villén, 2017; Kim 
García, 2022, among others). The following ta-
ble summarizes these main characteristics that
allow us to analyze the Swift universe:
3232
Alternate reality games (ARG) and fandom involvement in Taylor Swift’s
narrative universe

Base  
Fandom
Participation and collab-
oration.
Scolari,
2013; Ruíz-
García,
2022
Voluntary and natural im-
mersion.
McGonigal,
2011; De
Beer y
Bothma,
2016
Coordination among
players.
Jerret et al.,
2017
Sense of belonging and
group identity.
Jenkins,
2006; Turn-
er, 2010
Hive-mind. Use of collec-
tive intelligence.
Lévy, 2004;
Hook, 2017
Social and mainly digital
experience.
Kim et al.,
2009
4. RESULTS
To analyze the ‘Swift universe,’ on the one hand,
the publication of each of her works has been
-
ent ‘eras.’ Each one maintains a particular aes-
thetic and has its own identity, thanks to linking
  
other resources. But they all follow the same
narrative thread, which gives continuity and ex-
pands or changes the course of the story she
has been creating album after album.
On the other hand, it has meant that every-
thing that encompasses being in each of her
eras, with their respective events - such as the
-
ney and leap between them, has come about
as a result of a process of collective discovery
of clues and deciphering of cryptic messages
by the fans. Fans become brilliant detectives
who dialogue with each other to discover and
Base  
Narrative
Fragmented narrative. Jenkins,
2006; Sco-
lari, 2013
Dynamic narrative and
co-created with the play-
ers.
De Beer y
Bothma,
2016
Story integrated with the
game and the players.
Aldegani y
Caballero,
2022
It is developed on a tem-
poral axis.
Scolari,
2013
Direct contact between
characters and players.

2020; Al-
degani y
Caballero,
2022
Players keep their identity. Sicart, 2014
Creation of a transmedia
narrative universe.
Freire-Sán-
chez et al.,
2023
Action me-
chanics
It is based on the discov-
ery of trails.
Stewart,
2006; Ruíz-
García,
2022
Rabbit hole. Stewart,
2006; Villén
Higueras,
2017
Combines both online

Scolari,
2013; Al-
degani y
Caballero,
2022
There is no structure to
guide the game.
Stewart,
2011
Roles are established
spontaneously.
Aldegani y
Caballero,
2022
The players mostly set the
rules.
McGonigal,
2011
There is a puppet master. Kim et al.,
2009; Ro-

Table 1


3333
Lucía Garrido-Rodríguez, Alfonso Freire-Sánchez
understand the clues, called Easter eggs, in-
tentionally left by Swift; they also create their
theories. The singer listens to what the fandom
collectively decides and thinks and, based on
these guesses, is inspired and sometimes even
directly follows up on the cryptic game.
She mainly did this in his early days as a singer
because she wanted people to pay attention to
her lyrics. So, she decided to incorporate gram-
     
of the words in the lyrics of the songs found in
the CD booklets. This way, if people paid atten-
tion and put all the capitalized letters together,
a word or phrase was formed that explained
what the song or album was about. However, it
was with their album  (2017) that the
game went to another level, and its develop-
ment expanded to many more channels, which
meant that, nowadays, this dynamic expands
     

-
els, are present in both virtual and digital space.
They can be found in places that, by their very
nature, make sense and allow them to be host-
ed, such as video clips. But they can also be
found in places that, to the naked eye of any
individual, would pass completely unnoticed;
being part of the swiftie world educates you
to pay attention to things like, for example, the
color of the nails she wears or the conditions
of purchase of her merchandise. On occasion,
the Easter egg has even been in the mention or
commentary on the artist by a brand or other
       
direct relationship with the American but who
turns out to be linked to her in some way.
The rules and guidance as to what is consid-

the clues have been shaped and established
naturally, based on what the singer herself has
explicitly determined and said; it is also based
on observation and knowledge of what Taylor
Swift would and would not be able to do; and
what has been collectively established as feasi-
ble within the fandom, based on theories creat-
ed and resolved, along with learning from trial
and error.
This has resulted in fandom developing inside

initially clues were given in relatively short time
frames, today, they can be given well in advance,
such as three years. But it is worth mentioning
that the dynamic works thanks to the existence
        
known as Taylor Nation (TN); this “nation” con-
sists of a small group of people who are part of
Taylor Swift’s management team, whose iden-
tity and number of users is unknown to any-
one in the fandom. This group acts as a bridge
between the artist and her fandom, mainly in
charge of interacting with them and keeping
the game running.
The release on 21 October 2022 of the Amer-
ican singer’s tenth and most recent original al-
bum, , is a clear example of how this
dynamic interactive narrative is implemented.
Midnights is a thematic masterpiece, present-
ing the stories of thirteen sleepless nights
spread throughout the artist’s life. It beautifully
weaves the idea of insomnia and the myriad of
thoughts it brings, creating a compelling narra-
tive. The album’s seventies aesthetic adds an-

telephone or a disco ball becoming symbolic.
The clock, a central element associated with
the album, further enhances its thematic co-
herence.
Both Taylor Swift and Taylor Nation had given
signals of the existence of the album’s idea,
symbolism, and concept since 2019, following
the release of her seventh album, . In ad-
3434
Alternate reality games (ARG) and fandom involvement in Taylor Swift’s
narrative universe
dition, to fuel the existing theories of fandom,
both had for months signaled when she would
announce the LP’s existence - 28 August 2022
at the VMAs gala at midnight - and the date of
its release.
Also, in the months leading up to the release
       
to it, there was an abundance of Easter eggs
and online calls for swifties to reveal informa-
tion about the title, song themes, and music
videos that would be released in the future for
certain singles. These included Midnights May-
-
downToMidnighTS.
       
most complex communication actions that
took place. In it, the artist revealed the titles
of the songs that made up the album and the
collaborations on it. It was a mini-series made
up of thirteen chapters lasting two to three
minutes, which were published on her TikTok

with a pattern that fans could guess. Thus, they
could not know when they would see the next
one. This action had thousands of fans world-
wide, keeping an eye on the artist and making
them analyze the chapters’ content. They would
check everything from her clothes and accesso-
ries to how she picked up the phone and wore
her hair up. All this was done to develop theo-
ries that would make sense of previously found
clues and create new ones that would reveal
information about the album.
Following the completion of this series, the art-
ist released the Midnights Manifest. This calen-
dar summarized, by way of clues, all the events
that were to take place from 20 to 27 October
in the fandom and were vital to understanding
the content of the album. On 20 October, there
was a live broadcast on Amazon—during the
third half of an NFL football game—of a compi-
lation trailer of the LP’s music videos.
In addition, this trail of events served as a bridge
     -
MidnighTS and brought the clue game into the

the clues left by Taylor Nation online, during the
three days leading up to the album’s release,
digital clocks following Midnight’s aesthetic ap-
peared in iconic locations around the world—
such as New York’s Times Square—revealing
lyrics from the songs as the clock struck mid-
night.
The swifties would discover, night after night,
the locations of the clocks. Once the lyrics were
revealed, the fans who were physically on-site
would share them with the entire online com-

song they were associated with. They would, in

would interact with them to let them know if
they were on the right track or not.
5. DISCUSSION OF
THE RESULTS
The primary purpose of this research has been
to analyze the communication of the singer
Taylor Swift, intending to determine whether
the hypothesis that she incorporates alterna-
tive reality games in her communication strat-

of ARG characteristics according to the special-

-
tive universe.
3535
Lucía Garrido-Rodríguez, Alfonso Freire-Sánchez
Base  It’s true



Narrative
Fragmented narrative.
Dynamic narrative and
co-created with the play-
ers.
Story integrated with the
game and the players.
It is developed on a tem-
poral axis.
Direct contact between
characters and players.
Players keep their identity.
Creation of a transmedia
narrative universe.
Action me-
chanics
It is based on the discov-
ery of trails.
Rabbit hole.
Combines both online

There is no structure to
guide the game.
Roles are established
spontaneously.
The players mostly set the
rules.
There is a puppet master.
Fandom
Participation and collab-
oration.
Voluntary and natural im-
mersion.
Coordination among
players.
Sense of belonging and
group identity.
Hive-mind. Use of collec-
tive intelligence.
Social and mainly digital
experience.
Table 2



Based on the results obtained from the com-
parison, Taylor Swift’s communication—which
some researchers have described as cho-
reographed engagement (Ryan and Edlom,
2023)—incorporates practically all the charac-
      -

characteristics. Its communication strategy piv-
ots on a narrative universe that has been ex-
panded across many platforms and networks
for years.

the existence of an initial clue, clear and per-
ceived by all the players since the game dynam-
ic she proposes moves on a very broad time
axis in which several clues can coexist simul-
taneously. Therefore, in the case of the game
proposed by the artist, the fans themselves de-
tect the clue that could possibly initiate or, at
least, indicate a new game. This is motivated by
a previously non-existent pattern, a change in
the singer’s behavior, or something unusual in
the dynamics or the communication that was
taking place up to that point.
At the level of new components or consider-
ations detected that Taylor Swift performs dif-
ferently or that expand on what is stipulated in
-

Secondly, the agreed, but also spontaneous,
-

to give continuity to the narrative thread. Third-
ly, the very process by which the game comes
to life, which has been the motive for the study
of this work, is communication.
The artist does not normally create a playful
game as such but rather, on many occasions,
uses the communication she carries out for
non-game purposes—whether to praise the
work of a colleague, thank fans for attending
3636
Alternate reality games (ARG) and fandom involvement in Taylor Swift’s
narrative universe
her concert, or accept an award—to incorpo-
rate the easter eggs that give continuity to the
game that, in parallel, is developing in her uni-
verse and in that of her fandom.
6. CONCLUSIONS
The application of alternative reality games to
      -

with the right approach and management of
their development. Some of their most com-
mon uses are in marketing and advertising (Es-
tanyol  , 2013), entertainment (Huotari &
Hamari, 2017), or education (Kapp, 2012).
-
poses achieved with these types of games is
     
user behavior, build user loyalty, or educate
them; they generate a good brand image, fos-
ter a sense of belonging to the group, help sat-
isfy innate human needs, raise ethical or con-
troversial debates, foster community building,
enhance certain emotions, stimulate critical
thinking, encourage creativity, etc.
This communication strategy carried out by the
American artist, which incorporates practical-
ly all the elements and characteristics of the
ARGs, could be considered a perfectly struc-
tured model that can be extrapolated to other
commercial brands. For all these reasons, we
consider it an example and a reference for in-
teracting with the fandom, which emerges as
an active, generative, and necessary part of
expanding the universe and all the fragment-
ed contents that, like a puzzle, are interwoven
in an experience as immersive as it is complex,
as deep as it is volatile and as original as it is
creative. A well-designed ARG does not have a

by the narrative or the media and platforms but
will depend on the users themselves and the
interest of the universe created so that it can
be prolonged over time. Suppose brands now
want to spend time with users/consumers. In
that case, ARGs are a strategy that can lead to
a more advanced level with greater possibilities
than branded content or conventional adver-


choreographed engagement with fans (Ryan
& Edlom, 2023) that has always characterized
Taylor Swift’s personal brand.
3737
Lucía Garrido-Rodríguez, Alfonso Freire-Sánchez

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
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Alternate reality games (ARG) and fandom involvement in Taylor Swift’s
narrative universe
Universitat de Vic - Universitat Central de Catalunya
Universidad del Azuay
41
2
Narrativas interactivas y transmedia en las
novelas policíacas para la enseñanza de la
literatura


ARTICLE
Universitat de Vic- Universitat Central de catalunya (UVic-UCC)
Degree in Translation and Interpretation (University of Vic, 2012). Master in Translation and
Technologies (Open University of Catalonia, 2014) and Master in Specialized Translation (Uni-
versity of Vic Central University of Catalonia, 2016). She received a doctorate in Translation,
Gender, and Cultural Studies in 2023 at the UVic-UCC. Currently, she is a member of the re-
search group GLOSSA: Research group in Applied Linguistics, Didactics and Literature (UVic-
-


ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5141-3460
irene.solanich@uvic.cat
RECEIVED: 2023-10-27 / ACCEPTED: 2024-02-15

OBRA DIGITAL, Núm. 13, Septiembre 2017 - Enero 2018, pp.97-118, e-ISSN 2014-5039
OBRA DIGITAL, 25, June 2024, pp. 41-53, e-ISSN 2014-5039
DOI: https://doi.org/10.25029/od.2024.406.25
Abstract
    
game of riddles and puzzles that challenge
the reader. That is why structures have been
easier to adapt to new dimensions. Through
interactive literature and transmedia narrative,
the aim is to explore how this genre has been

The study will address some concrete exam-
        -
tive and transmedia product with the purpose
of teaching literature to high school students.
The research does not aim to show a learning
process but the design and development of a
game to learn.
KEYWORDS
Interactive literature, transmedia narrative,
   
teaching literature.
4242

IF works crafted by talented authors go
beyond games and should be treated

part of the electronic literature move-
-
terbots, email, text messaging-based
novels, computer-generated poems,
    
of these forms are reaching out to
the larger community for wider accep-
tance and recognition (p. 1124).
-
ature, another term that has taken advantage
of new media to expand new literary experienc-
es. It is transmedia narrative, which involves the
expansion of a story across multiple platforms
and media, creating a rich and immersive ex-
perience, although not necessarily interactive.
       
concept has been that of Henry Jenkins:
Transmedia storytelling represents a
process where integral elements of
    
across multiple delivery channels for

coordinated entertainment experi-
ence. Ideally, each medium makes its
own unique contribution to the unfold-
ing of the story. So, for example, in 
 I
Interactive literature and transmedia narra-
tives are two emerging forms of storytelling

years. These innovative media have revolu-
tionized how stories are told and consumed,
blurring the lines between traditional literature.
Interactive literature refers to narratives that
actively engage the readers, allowing them to
participate in the story and shape its outcome.
This way of consumption of stories has been
     
the appearance of ICT, it has been exploited in
many other ways involving multiplatform for-
mats. As Pisan (2007) describes:
People are natural storytellers; com-
puters much less so. Interactive Fiction
(IF) is a unique collaboration among the
author who composes the story, the
    
world, and the interactor who explores
   
based commands. Although the pos-
sible endings are preordained by the
author, the interactor is free to choose
her own path. The pleasure of IF is in
the balance of reading the story, inter-
acting with the world, and solving the
puzzles.

Las tramas de las novelas policíacas acostum-
-
cabezas que retan al lector. Esto ha facilitado
que estas estructuras se hayan trasladado a
nuevas dimensiones argumentales. A través de
la literatura interactiva y la narrativa transmedia
se pretende explorar cómo este género se ha
ido adaptando a otras obras en distintos for-
     
     
de un producto interactivo y transmedia con
      
de secundaria. La investigación no pretende
      


Literatura interactiva, narrativa transmedia,
    -
cación, didáctica de la literatura.
4343
Irene Solanich Sanglas
 franchise, key bits of information
are conveyed through three live action

collections of comic book stories, and
several video games. There is no one
single source or ur-text where one
can turn to gain all of the information
needed to comprehend the uni-
verse (Jenkins, 2007).
Both interactive and transmedia narratives of-
fer unique opportunities for both authors and
readers, challenging traditional notions of sto-
rytelling and pushing the limits of creativity. Al-
though, they share some features, such as the
fact that both are storytelling methods that can
use multiple platforms or that they might take
       -
ences. On one hand, transmedia storytelling is
a way of telling stories using multiple platforms:
videos, books, movies, video games, podcasts,
etc. The story can be explained in a non-linear
way, and it is impossible to understand the
whole universe unless the consumer goes into

be ,-
-
ing, creating new narrative lines. On the other

engages the reader in making choices that can
      
storyline is normally text-based or in graphical
formats. Examples would be , an interac-

dungeons, or , a se-
ries of books where the reader assumes the
role of the protagonist and by making choices
determines the story’s outcome. So, while the
focus of the transmedia narrative is the multi-

the reader or player control over a story (McEr-
lean, 2018, p. 164-167).
The rise of digital technology and the internet
has played a crucial role in developing and
spreading-
vent of e-books, mobile devices, and online
platforms, authors can now create interactive
stories that readers can access and experience
in new and exciting ways. These narratives of-
ten incorporate elements such as hyperlinks,
graphic elements, multimedia content, and
branching stories, allowing readers to active-
ly engage with the text and make decisions
that shape the direction of the plot. This level
of interactivity not only enhances the reader’s
immersion but also provides a sense of action
and ownership over the story.
Transmedia literature, on the other hand, takes
storytelling to a whole new level by expanding
the narrative across multiple platforms and
media. This approach allows authors to create
a more expansive and interconnected story

are explored through various media. By using

readers a more immersive experience as they

-
form approach also allows for greater audience
engagement and participation, as readers can
-
tion, online discussions, and interactive expe-
riences.
This article aims to demonstrate how the clas-
sic structures of crime novels have been used
to create interactive and transmedia literature
and how this genre can be leveraged to intro-
duce concepts, genres, and literary works to
readers in educational contexts. To do so, dif-
ferent examples of interactive and transmedia
     
the unique storytelling techniques employed
and the ways in which these media have chal-
lenged traditional notions of narrative structure
4444

and reader-author relationships. In addition,
the implications of interactive and transmedia
literature for authors and readers will be ex-
plored, discussing the opportunities and chal-
lenges presented by these innovative forms
of storytelling. By examining the evolution and
impact of interactive literature and transmedia
narratives, this paper also wants to show “the
  -
tional environment from a constructive and
participatory model, meaningful learning, zone
of proximal development, active methodolo-
gy, learning by discovery, cooperative, dynam-
ic and communicative learning, dialogue, and
multiple intelligences” (Peña-Acuña, 2020, p. 3).

and interactive narratives will be presented.
       
well as literature concepts, to secondary school
learners through a game designed following
the structures of the soft-boiled work, and the

      
it is meant to be a tool for teaching literature


The question that arises is
structures are ideal for using interactive and
transmedia structures and how to take advan-
tage of them to teach literature. To answer this,

which can be very broad and sometimes am-
biguous. That is why we chose to focus on soft-
boiled literature, which could be considered
      -
els have often been viewed as a puzzle to be
solved that aims to answer the question “who
did it”
1
through an investigation that can be car-
ried out by a private detective or an “accident”
2
detective. So, according to Vázquez de Praga
(1986), the plot usually presents:
A man with a determined and constant
mission: to discover the truth, a mis-

story. The detective comes to unravel
a mystery in the construction of which
he has not participated, to star in a
chase generally detached from his pri-
vate life, from his authentic personali-
ty, which will only appear fragmentarily
in the novel as an accessory factor to
speed up and enliven the plot, which
could continue its course without any
alteration with another detective with
   
24).
The soft-boiled is considered to have originated
in 1841 with Edgar Allan Poe’s  
, as the story stars the detective

appear as protagonists in a crime story. From
this moment, the genre became increasingly
popular with the addition of characters such as
Sherlock Holmes (by Arthur Conan Doyle), Her-
cule Poirot (Agatha Christie’s hero), Monsieur
Lecoq (Émile Gaboriau’s detective) or Judge
Di (historical character of China, but who has
starred in some novels by Robert Hans Van Gu-
lik) (Hoveyda, 1967, p. 11-16).
Based on these structures and precedents,
the intention has been to create a game of
logic and deduction, which uses the narrative
structure of a soft-boiled novel and multiple
1-
traction of ‘who did it?’ or ‘who has done it?’.
2
voluntarily takes the lead of an investigation.
4545
Irene Solanich Sanglas
platforms or resources to solve it, thus trans-
media narrative and interactive literature. It has
been proven that introducing a playful chal-
lenge to the students usually improves their
motivation and, consequently, their engage-
ment (Ling, 2018, p. 142). In addition, the aim is


explore some of the most important universal
literary works. The authors, Sílvia Plana Molas
(secondary school teacher), Aida Montoya Es-
teban (secondary school teacher), and Irene
Solanich Sanglas (lecturer and researcher) (the
three of them as members of 
3
) with il-
lustrations by Sara Costa based the game on
-

material the information they will receive and

 

Before creating the game, we thought it would
be necessary to set how the soft-boiled prem-
ises have been adapted into other games and
        
popular characters for interactive products
and transmedia narratives has been Sherlock
Holmes, created by Arthur Conan Doyle and
 Magazine in 1887.
   -

detective has inspired products that have tran-
scended the literary dimension. Some exam-
ples could be board games ( 
 
3 is an association and a website with literary and
cinematographic content (reviews, articles, and recom-
mendations). The internet platform of is used to
save and spread the contents of the game here, explained
with the title of 
series (the most faithful ones like 
, 1983, crossovers like -
, 1979, updated versions like , 2010-
2017, or the freer ones, such as ,
1994 and still broadcasting), escape rooms or
treasure hunts. Thon (2019) describes it in the
following way:
Particularly in the context of transme-
dia franchises that are governed by
“multiplicity” rather than “continuity,”
     -
   
characters. Indeed, there can be little
doubt that the Victorian master de-
tective Sherlock Holmes represent-
ed by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle’s short
stories and novels (1892–1927), the
21st-century Sherlock Holmes repre-
sented by BBC’s Sherlock (2010–2017),
and the 21st-century American immi-
grant Sherlock Holmes represented by
CBS’s Elementary (2012–present), the
21st-century African-American Sher-
lock Holmes in Boller, Leonardi, and
    
Holmes (2013–present), the canine
master detective in the Italian-Japa-
nese anime series Sherlock hound
(1984–1985), or the rodent master de-
    
The great mouse detective (1986) do
not – and do not seem to be intended
to coalesce into a single transmedia
character (p. 188).
In the case of Sherlock Holmes, the entire uni-
verse is ramifying or branching out to contin-

the same characters are used, with the same
-
ent times and spaces. However, the narrative
structures often remain. If we look at the list
mentioned in the methodology of the study, we
4646

can see how most of the works and products
listed above about the London Detective are

Perhaps even more obvious and following the
previously mentioned structures, we should
also include here Cluedo (in some countries,
such as the USA, it is called Clue), which would
       
(1976), that would continue to expand the nar-
rative of the board game. Van Ditmarsch (2002)
provides this summary of the context and his-
tory of the game’s creation:
Cluedo was invented in 1943 by Antho-
ny E. Pratt, a solicitor’s clerk, and (his
wife) Elva Pratt. Anthony Pratt is said to
have invented the game when he was
  
      -
      
devised the board. The Pratts’ origi-
nal version was called ‘Murder’. It had
ten weapons instead of six, and some
suspects had other names. In 1949

Games in the UK. In the USA the game
is called Clue. Apart from the original
Cluedo, there are various other ver-
sions available. There is now even a
Harry Potter `Mystery at Hogwarts
Game’, that is obviously Cluedo-in-
spired. Anthony Pratt died in 1994, in
obscurity. His death only became gen-
erally known in 1996, after a public ap-
    
reads ‘inventor of Cluedo’ (p. 20).
Cluedo illustrates the plan of a luxurious house
on a board with all the rooms in which the
crime has occurred. There are several suspects
locked up (mostly middle/upper class as far as

a certain number of weapons that may have
been used to commit the crime. The players, by
asking questions to each other and deducing
from the answers, have to guess who killed the
victim and how and where he or she was killed;
therefore, at no time is there explicit violence
because the crime happened before the start
of the game (out of the scene) and therefore ev-
erything becomes a game of logic. In this case,
like in many crime games, the player embodies
the detective, and the competition focuses on

therefore, restore order.
Another quite paradigmatic case is that of Miss
Fisher, the protagonist of twenty-one novels by
the Australian author Kerry Greenwood (1989-
2014), with plots located in Melbourne in the
1920s. The character became popular with the
series (released in
2012). From that moment on, the universe that
Greenwood created for detectives expanded
into other formats: in 2017 a digital game was
created called 


. According
to Väliso et al. (2020), “The pleasure of this sto-
ry world strongly lies in its nature as historical

century has landed in the past to show her
contemporaries a glimpse of future worlds” (p.
399). In addition, they also claim that:
The Miss Fisher storyworld negotiates
    
media intertextually, multimodally and
 -
tal developments have changed the
distribution of crime texts and series
and also the modes of consumer en-
gagement when they allow for (trans-
national) audience interaction (Välisalo
et al., 2020, p. 399)
4747
Irene Solanich Sanglas
 
As we have seen, the soft-boiled stories usually
follow a closed structure and rarely move out
from this narrative. 
    


(“The sto-
ry begins with a simple or multiple crime that
is part of the introduction, the subsequent in-

the resolution of the case, which is the plot’s
denouement”) (Solanich-Sanglas, 2023, p. 31).
The following list enumerates some of the main
characteristics of soft-boiled novels and will lat-
er be used to elaborate the game presented in
this study:
The main characters are often middle/up-
per-class white people. Actually, there is not a
broad social representation in these stories,
which is why some years later (during the 20s
and 30s of the 21
st
century) the hard-boiled is
created, proposing new plots and new social
realities (Heath, 2003, p. 423-444).
The detective who stars in the story usually
has aristocratic connections and an over-
bearing or eccentric character.
The detective is not usually completely soli-
tary, but it can have small connotations of
isolation. However, he or she often works
through small circles, family ties, or friend-
ships (Charles, Morrison, and Clark, 2002, p.
18).
The -
tion is to restore stability and order manipu-
lated by the criminal or criminals.
The characters have a blind trust in the pow-
er of reason and logic to solve the mysteries
and achieve the goal.
The investigation is always carried out using
a list or closed circle of suspects, often quite
prominent characters in the plot, to be able
to play with the reader’s mind.
Although the characters can often come
from a city, the action is usually on the out-
skirts or in wilder or country landscapes, al-
ways framed and characterized by British as-
pects such as mansions, afternoon teas, etc.
(Menand, 2009).
There is not much explicit violence. The crime,

and usually the reader learns about it when it
has already happened. In fact, it is most likely
that the reader learns about the crime at the
same time as the detective, the protagonist
of the story.
The plot is structured like a puzzle to be
      
reader to get involved in the investigation,
but they are complicated enough (sometimes

culprit. However, it follows the rules of fair
play between the author and the reader.
The antagonist usually assumes a false iden-

character and deceive both the characters
surrounding him or her in the plot and the
reader.
The crime weapon is usually strategically hid-
den and is not usually found until the end of
the story.
The chronology of the plot can sometimes be
a little confusing since often all the characters
(detective, culprit, suspects, and involved) are
all together in one room or a certain loca-
tion in order to unravel the mystery that sur-
rounds the story (Panek, 2000, p. 96).
4848

        
closed room or in an unlikely situation but
ends up having a logical explanation.
The authors write and characterize charac-
ters’ speech with linguistic traits (colloquial,
slang, formal, and geographical) (Rzepka,
2005, p. 29).
The vision of the world is one of order and co-

place, except for the moment when the crim-
-
thing returns to the order established by the
universe. “Evil is an abnormal disruption of an
essentially benevolent social order (Cawelti,
1976, p. 149).
The aim of this type of novel is usually the dis-
covery of the identity of the culprit
4
.
Bearing the list in mind, we created a plot that
would engage students. The characters are cho-

territory, and period diversity. In addition, most
of them have been represented and adapted
into pop culture (media culture or mass cul-
ture
5
), so students might be familiar with them
because some of the works might have been
adapted into cinema or series or because they
have already read the original story. Further-
more, most works come from British tradition
and literature since, as mentioned in the Meth-
odology of this paper, this is where most of the
soft-boiled action takes place. However, the
4 The list has been adapted from the thesis titled -

        (Solan-
ich-Sanglas, 2023, p. 34-35)
5 According to Oxford Reference, the term “mass culture”
refers to “Cultural products that are both mass-produced
and for mass audiences. Examples include mass-media
   
books, newspapers, magazines, popular music, leisure
goods, household items, clothing, and mechanically-re-
produced art” («mass culture», s.d.).
game is designed so that the students do not
have to know the literary contents in depth be-
fore playing but as a starting point to present
all the features.
The premise is that Phileas Fogg has managed
      
eighty days and wants to celebrate with his
most famous friends in literature. King Arthur
decides to give the castle of Camelot, but he
cannot be there because he has another com-
mitment, so the host will be Queen Guinevere.
As mentioned before, to design the game’s plot,
we followed the rules and structure of soft-
boiled novels. Therefore, the features men-
tioned above translate as follows in the game:
Closed list of
suspects and
characters
within the
game
Vito Corleone ( by
Mario Puzo, 1969).
Cacofonix (series of comics
 by René Goscinny and
Albert Uderzo, 1959).
Queen Guinevere ( of Brit-
ain, anonymous, 1335).
Dracula ( by Bram Stoker,
1897).
Tarzan ( by Ed-
gar Rice Burroughs, 1912/1914).
Alice (-
land by Lewis Carroll, 1865).
Launcelot du Lac (-
ain, anonymous, 1335).
Phileas Fogg (
 by Jules Verne, 1872).
Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hide (
 by
Robert Louis Stevenson, 1886).
Sherlock Holmes (
 by Arthur Conan
Doyle, 1887).
-
acter, though used a lot in other
works, 44 BC).
Protagonist
detective
Sherlock Holmes seems the de-
tective and acts as one, however,
the “accidental” detectives are the
students.
4949
Irene Solanich Sanglas
The game consists of a booklet written in the
second-person singular so that the readers/
players get an engaging sensation when they
are reading or listening. The plot follows the
structure aforementioned in the methodology.
In this sense, part 1 would be the introduction,
parts 2, 3, and 4 the body, and 5 the denoue-
ment. The parts are stated below (titles are lit-
erally translated from Catalan into English):
1. The crime—the assassination of Julius Cae-
sar (in which all the previously explained
context is also narrated, and it ends when
the readers/players are aware of the mur-
der but have not seen the scene yet).
2. You have been in the dining room the whole
time... (this section provides an alibi to the
reader/player by which we know he or she
was not the killer. Also, there is information
about who left the diner and at what mo-
ment).
3. The suspects (each of the suspects is illus-
trated and accompanied by a paragraph
that shows the literary context. The work in
which it appears is discussed, and a min-
imum of information about the historical
and geographical context and the author is
given).
4. The alibis (although they are voiced and re-
corded, the booklet also contains the script
The goal
Find out who killed Caesar and
restore the stability and order that
has been manipulated by the crim-
inal or criminals.
Use of reason
and logic to
solve myster-
ies.
-

Location of the
action
Although lots of characters come
from cities, the action takes place
in the castle of Camelot, a remote
location in the countryside. The
United Kingdom is the location
chosen for the action and where
most of the literary works chosen
come from.
There is no ex-
plicit violence.
The murder takes place in the li-
brary, while all the diners including
the protagonist (the students) are

the corpse is one of the main char-
acters, so the players learn about
the crime when it has already
happened.
The plot is
structured like
a puzzle to be
solved

clues:

literary work and each character.
Auditory: as detectives, students
are supposed to interrogate the
suspects and therefore must
listen to each one’s alibis.
Visuals: The illustrations also
contain useful information to
corroborate or disprove the
alibis.
There is printed material and

Crime weapon
The crime weapon is not missing
nor hidden but happens unno-
ticed. It won’t be known until the
end.
Chronology
The detectives (players) gather
all the characters together in the
library to hear the case resolution,
after having interviewed them to

The crime
Crime scene evidence always
points to the most obvious sus-
pects, and it may seem like the
crime or some of the alibis are im-
plausible, but in reality, it ends up
having a logical explanation.
The language
and speech of
the characters
The language used throughout
the games is Catalan. The alibis
scripts are performed by dubbing
actors who emulate the characters’
dialects, slang, tones, rhythms, and
sociolinguistic features (sometimes
even stereotypical).
5050

of the interviews that the reader/player
pretends to have with the suspects).
5. The deduction (it is the moment when all the
characters meet to give them the proper
explanations of who killed Julius Caesar and
why).
In addition to the booklet, the students also
have images that accompany each part of the
text:
The dinner (showing the distribution of diners
at the Round Table and an empty chair rep-
resenting where the reader/player is sitting).
The scene of the crime (in the centre there is
the corpse of Julius Caesar and all the charac-
ters surrounding the victim can be seen with
fear and worry on their faces).
The interrogations (there are ten images in
which each of the characters is seen sitting in
an armchair. The player/reader is supposed
to be sitting right in front of them, asking the
questions they are answering).
Plan of the castle (it shows the layout of all
the castle rooms that are mentioned at some
point in the story).
The game has been developed in Catalan and
has been tested in some secondary schools in
Catalonia. However, no study has yet been pi-
loted or data collected; therefore, this is not the
focus of this study.
So far, the game has been tested with two dif-
ferent dynamics: autonomous and guided. In
the autonomous system, the students have all
the material from the beginning, and they read
the texts from the booklet themselves, with the
teacher helping them. They stop at the alibis
part, where of reading them to each other or
individually, they have an electronic device in
which they have to listen to them. This same
device is what they use to look for extra infor-
mation about the characters and the works if
they consider it necessary. The characters of-
ten mention some aspects that refer to the
original literary works from which they come,
and students might not be aware of some con-
cepts brought into the alibis, so an internet
connection is useful for them to look for extra
information, as well as the teacher in class.
On the other hand, the guided form is the one
that makes all the students go at the same
pace. It is the teacher who acts as the narra-
tor and therefore reads the texts aloud. Often,
he or she can also put a question to the stu-
dents, who are normally taking notes, about the
works, authors, and vocabulary, among others.
In this way, the teacher can have information
about what previous knowledge students have
and it will facilitate subsequent guidance. The
      
and heard together.
In either way, students always have all the
aforementioned material available so that they
can elaborate the hypothesis and keep track of
the movement each character is sating in their
alibis. Students normally cooperate and explain
their assumptions and deductions to each oth-
er, and a debate in class is created. Before end-
ing the session, the deduction is read so every-
one can hear who guessed it correctly and who
did not.
      -
lowing the soft-boiled and whodunit patterns,
students have fun and engage in a coopera-
tive game that uses transmedia narratives (or
multiplatform formats) and interactive litera-
ture. In fact, beneath this game, there are two

to be able to explain and present the arche-
typical structure of the soft-boiled and take it
as an excuse to talk about the genre and in-
troduce it to classrooms. Also, from a more
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Irene Solanich Sanglas
       -
erary content in more exciting and up-to-date
ways to introduce concepts or works to be
worked on in schools within educational curric-
ula. According to Mills et al. (2022):
DIL [Digital Interactive Literature] is es-
sential in school curricula that are ori-

futures in multimedia communication
and creative expression of contempo-
rary and traditional stories. The itera-
tive re-telling of some of the most en-
during, entertaining and culturally and
    
literature for adults and for children in
concert with ever-changing new tech-
nologies would be reason enough for
the embracing of DIL in future-orient-
ed curricula. Such retellings, leveraging
    
    
challenging re-interpretations of the
original and subsequent versions of
these narratives, as well as emerging
innovative digital narrative forms, all
contributing to the ongoing vibrancy of
literary experience (p. 215).
All in all, future and further research seeks to
collect data from the application of this activi-
  
to put the focus on the learning process more
than the design of the learning tool used, as
this has been done in this study.
vindictive side, it allows popular genres to also
have a place in education. On the other hand,
the activity seeks to be able to present literary

the students probably know from other prod-
  
or series, especially). Now, however, within the
literary dimension, which really was the origin
of the story in question.

The narrative structures of detective novels
       
that the premise of detective novels is already
a puzzle that aims to challenge the reader to
discover, together with the detective, who has
been the culprit, makes it easily transferable


structures and new narratives. Escape rooms
or escape books have not been mentioned
in this study, but they are also narratives that
  -
tion to create a real adventure or a role-playing
game. So, given that the current digital world
allows access to new models of narratives, it is
not surprising that ICT can be used to preset
new adaptations based on previous formats,
or new stories that take advantage of spaces
or archetypes of any genre, but especially the
soft-boiled.
As it has been proved, proposing an activity or
-
ries also allows to talk about other works and
-
tion. So, we can say that interactive literature
and transmedia narrative allow us to emulate
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
Universitat de Vic - Universitat Central de Catalunya
Universidad del Azuay
55
3
Transmedia y construcción de identidad en
la industria musical: el caso del álbum visual
Montero de Lil Nas X
Transmedia and identity construction
in the music industry: the case of the
visual album Montero by Lil Nas X
ARTICLE
Universidad de Málaga
PhD in Audiovisual Communication and Lecturer in the Department of Audiovisual Communi-
cation and Advertising at the University of Malaga (Spain). Her research lines concern music,
audiovisual media, music video, and audiovisual practices in the contemporary scene, with par-
ticular emphasis on artistic events such as video performances, video dances, and new stage
practices.
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3897-2457
valdellos@uma.es
Universidad de Málaga
Master in Audiovisual Creation and Performing Arts at the University of Malaga and Art Director
of Photography.
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0006-3350-3167
anaalicia_@hotmail.com
RECEIVED: 2023-10-31 / ACCEPTED: 2024-03-22
* Work carried out under the FicTrans project “Transmedialization and Hybridization of Fiction and Non-Fiction in
Contemporary Media Culture” (PID2021-124434NB-I00). It is a Knowledge Generation Project in the Program for Pro-

Ana Sedeño-Valdellós
Ana Alicia Balbuena Morilla
OBRA DIGITAL, Núm. 13, Septiembre 2017 - Enero 2018, pp.97-118, e-ISSN 2014-5039
OBRA DIGITAL, 25, June 2024, pp. 55-71, e-ISSN 2014-5039
DOI: https://doi.org/10.25029/od.2024.409.25
5656
Transmedia and identity construction in the music industry: the case of the
visual album Montero by Lil Nas X
Abstract
Transmediality is a new paradigm of ideation
and construction of cultural projects that
consists of fragmenting the messages or
meaning elements of a story between various
media. The aim of this work is to analyze
the visual album Montero, by the American
musician Lil Nas X, as a transmedia, artistic
and queer vindication project, with its visual
imaginary and some actions in social networks.
A methodology of cultural and multimodal
analysis is used to know the intertexuality
and cultural quotes in this visual album. The
conclusions point to the generation of leitmotifs
around the construction of an identity in
transformation and a vital experience of rebirth
or positive change. The generation of digital and
3D graphics, kitsch aesthetics and Afrofuturism,
as well as visual motifs taken from the classical
symbolic tradition and intertextuality and
intermediality, define a narrative where lyrics,
visual band and content shared on social
networks build a personal storytelling.
Key words
Transmedia narrative, visual album, music vid-
eo, LGTBQ+, Lil Nas X.
Resumen
La transmedialidad es un nuevo paradigma de
ideación y construcción de proyectos cultura-
les que consiste en fragmentar los mensajes
o elementos de sentido de una historia en-
tre diversos medios, para generar estrategias
globales de promoción. El objetivo del trabajo
es analizar el álbum visual Montero, del músi-
co estadounidense Lil Nas X, como proyecto
transmedia, artístico y de reivindicación queer,
con su imaginario visual junto a algunas ac-
ciones en redes sociales. Se emplea una met-
odología de análisis cultural y multimodal para
conocer la intertexualidad y citas culturales en
este álbum visual. Las conclusiones apuntan a
la generación de leitmotivs en torno a la con-
strucción de una identidad en transformación
y una experiencia vital de renacimiento o de
-
itales y en 3D, la estética kitsch y el afrofuturis-
mo, así como motivos visuales recogidos de la
tradición simbólica clásica y la intertextualidad

letras, banda visual y contenido compartido en
redes sociales construyen un storytelling per-
sonal.
Palabras clave
Narrativa transmedia, album visual, videoclip
musical, LGTBQ+, Lil Nas X.
1. INTRODUCTION:
TRANSMEDIALITY IN
THE MUSIC INDUSTRY
One of the trends in the general context of cul-
tural production, which tends towards the plat-
forming of cultural consumption (Van Dijk Poell
& De Waal, 2018; Gillespie, 2015), has to do
with the emergence and consolidation of trans-
media, as a set of entrepreneurial initiatives
spread across all types of media and channels.
-
kins (2006) as the relationship of all the content
     
platforms to fabricate worlds or story worlds as

multiplatform.
5757
Ana Sedeño-Valdellós, Ana Alicia Balbuena Morilla
The convergence of media in the technological,
social, and economic spheres makes it possi-
ble to disseminate and distribute messages,
leading to their fragmentation, extension, and
expansion. Collaborative production, fandom
communities’ production, and amateur’ pro-
duction multiply platforms’ content and allow
the growing competition between them to con-
tinue (Ballon & Evens, 2014).
Transmediality, the strategy of telling stories in
-
sibilities that broaden the horizon of stories.
Among them, storytelling involves a narrative
presented from images, words, and sounds,
which helps to understand the multimodal di-
mension (Rosales-Statkus & Roig-Vila, 2017)
and “combines the art of storytelling with a mix
of digital media, including text, images, record-
ed audio, narration, music and video” (Robin,
2016, p. 18).
The record and music industry has developed a
rapid adaptation to the new cultural conditions
in all its phases of creation, consumption, and
reception (Garland, 2020). Since their birth in
the 1950s, music projects have tended to re-
late to visual texts to expand their listening and
promotional media. From there, television pro-
grams, rock youth cinema, and video clips were
born. These formats have been the subject of
some studies from a transmedia perspective
(Fendler, 2022; Parahoo, 2020; Melzer, 2021).
As a format prone to innovation, it is subject to

hybrid forms. The music industry has shifted
towards video - a visual turn- (Holt, 2011), which
has become a format for listening to music.
Social networks have increased this trend:
short videos have become the most shared
and viralised format on social networks, where
      -
texts also converges. Music and those respon-
sible for producing and distributing it (record
labels, managers, concert impresarios) know
that their work goes beyond musical creation.
Musicians themselves are forced to perform an
extraordinary range of tasks and to renegotiate
their appearance in various contexts, genres,
and media products (Jost, 2019).
Music artists construct an image of totality that
is composed of the sum and accumulation of
messages coming from the lyrics and music of
the music project (main content), the performa-
tive part (concerts), traditional media, and new
media (social networks, online media). In this
way, it enhances the transmedia capacity of the
contemporary music industry and generates
both cultural and economic value (Brembilla,
2019).
From the sociology of popular music, the gen-
eral perception of a musical artist has been
referred to as a star-text (Goodwin, 1992),
paraphonography (Lacasse, 1997), or metanar-
rative (Gare, 2017). More recently, Auslander’s
(2019) and Arne’s (2019) concept of ‘musical
personae’ shape this idea of complete identity
construction by musicians, of how communica-
tive management of a transmedia nature and
inspiration takes place. It has, however, prec-
     
as David Bowie, Madonna or Michael Jackson.
All of them are prototypes of a habitual explo-
ration of authenticity that has conditioned the
aesthetics of popular music. As sociologist Frith
(2001) puts it, good music is an authentic ex-
pression of something and someone.
This paper focuses on the construction of a
-
sical artists in the current transmedia context.
-
ect Montero (2021), belonging to the hip-hop
genre, will be analyzed.
5858
Transmedia and identity construction in the music industry: the case of the
visual album Montero by Lil Nas X
ly for queer representation (Jorquera & Pérez,
2021) or for the construction of multiple iden-
tities empowered by black female artists (Cren-
shaw, 1993; Curiel, 2007).

the artist has continued his social media activi-
ty. He has begun a tour, including the Coachella
festival, and starred in two documentaries.
2. OBJECTIVES, SAMPLE
AND METHODOLOGY
This paper aims to analyze the transmedial nar-
rative around Lil Nas X artist Montero’s album.
The methodology of multidimensional analysis
(Kress & Van Leeuwen, 2001) tries to be cre-
ative (Botescu-Sireteanu, 2019) and hybridize
textual and descriptive analysis of the quali-
tative nature of letters and sequential moving

meaning of each material. An iconographic
analysis has been added to this in search of el-
ements of continuity - visual motifs - and quo-
tations from other works and their comments
on social networks. The exhibition comprises all
the music video from the visual album. Below is
a breakdown of the title, the link to view each
video, and the lyrics of each musical composi-
tion (Table 1) for each of them.
Lil Nas X is an American songwriter, hip-hop
musician, and rapper who released Monte-
      
A couple of years before, his early career was
characterized by controversy as an avid fan of
Nicki Minaj, his intense social media activity,
and his creations of micro-blogging.
In 2019, he signed with Columbia Records and
came out as gay, to which not everyone in the
hip-hop world reacted positively. Since then, he
has positioned himself and claimed his rights
and those of the LGTBQ+ community, which is
another example of how music is a generator
of social realities.
In fact, hip-hop is a genre suited to social en-
  -

struggle for human freedom and aspects of
people’s knowledge of the world” (Richardson,
2006, p. 9), especially concerning the “pleasures
and problems of black urban life in contempo-
rary America” (Rose, 1994, p. 30). As increasing-
-
sic, iconic artists such as the late Tupac Shakur
are an inspiration for global popular culture.
On the other hand, visual content close to mu-
sic, where we can mention music video clips,
has been shown to allow the construction of
social imaginaries (Martí, 2000) around its art-
ists and producers: “Music videos are a power-
ful source of representation of identities” (Ba-
laji, 2009). Many have social content linked to
“the transmission of values and the vindication
of rights” (Guarinos & Sedeño, 2020, p. 122). In
this way, it has been a channel for race-related
minority identities or, in recent years, especial-
5959
Ana Sedeño-Valdellós, Ana Alicia Balbuena Morilla
Table 1
Music Videos from the album, links to their videos and lyrics.
3. THE MONTERO VISUAL
ALBUM: MUSIC VIDEOS,
INTERTEXTUALITY AND
VISUAL MOTIFS
Montero, Lil Nas Xs album, takes its authors
       
length albums in popular music. It consists of

one skit, a short piece typical of hip-hop. The art
of realization is a genre trademark. It is music
that is very close to its producers and receivers,
of an urban nature, and strongly involved in lyr-
ics and aesthetics with the demands of black
Americans. A visual piece in the form of a video
clip accompanies each of the musical pieces.
Together, they make up what is called a visual
album.

the music industry’s new promotional strate-
gies, arises from the need to create complete
pieces of the entire album, resulting from an
industrial context demanding audiovisual con-
tent. According to Harrison (2014), the visual
album is constructed as a uniform visual and
sound discourse, where each song on the al-
bum has a video clip. Faced with so much visu-
al diversity, the author argues that techniques
tend to be sought to give unity to the videos in
themselves and to each other: these visual leit-
motifs, in their recurrence, systematize themes,
staging, and visual formulas. The intertextuali-
ty above is added, a fully transmedia feature;
thus, other cultural texts are cited, situated in
the spectator’s collective memory, and perfect-
ly recognizable, which helps to create meaning.
In short, the visual album is a global product
that interrelates the artist’s universe and story
      
social networks and everything created by fans
(Sedeño-Valdellos, 2021).
Some African-American artists precede Lil Nas
X in their decision to carry out transmedia work
similar to this one as a form of self-expression
and identity creation with a social scope or
-
yoncé, who has a total of three visual albums:
Beyoncé (2013), Lemonade (2016) and Black is
King (2020). In her works, she has placed the
African-American community at the center
and explored sisterhood and feminist vision
through visual motifs and performance tech-
niques to achieve the aggrandizement of her

the viewer (Sedeño-Valdellos, 2021).
3.1. CONVENTIONAL
MUSIC VIDEOS
On Montero, four tracks are singles with con-
ventional full-length music videos: Montero (Call
Me By Your Name), Industry Baby (ft. Jack Harlow),
Title of the work Video Lyrics
Montero (Call Me By Your
Name)
See video See lyrics
Dead Right Now
See video See lyrics
Industry Baby (ft. Jack
Harlow)
See video See lyrics
That’s What I Want
See video See lyrics
The Art of Realization
See video See lyrics
Scoop (ft. Doja Cat)
See video See lyrics
One of Me (ft. Elton John)
See video See lyrics
Lost in the Citadel
See video See lyrics
Dolla Sign Slime (ft. Me-
gan Thee Stallion)
See video See lyrics
Tales of Dominica
See video See lyrics
Sun Goes Down
See video See lyrics
Void
See video See lyrics
Don’t Want It
See video See lyrics
Life After Salem
See video See lyrics
Am I Dreaming (ft. Miley
Cyrus)
See video See lyrics
6060
Transmedia and identity construction in the music industry: the case of the
visual album Montero by Lil Nas X
That’s What I Want, and Sun Goes Down. These
were the most visible singles on the album. All
four cases involve mixed narrative/performa-
tive music videos in which the singer appears
and plays the lead role. These stories are not
complex but are generally linked to his lyrics.
Montero (Call me by your name) 
on the album, which also opens the visual al-
bum and refers directly to Luca Guadagino’s
      
crane-like overhead shot, the sense of which is
the introduction, through a rural scene where
trees are visible. A pink-colored countryside
brings to mind a colorful fantasy or fairy tale.
After this, the singer is presented as an adanic
character who begins a journey through places
with no realistic solution of continuity, while he
-
cal imagination. There is the tree with large fruit

The serpent pushes him on a spatial journey
that takes him from heaven to hell, which he
reaches by climbing down a pole dance pole.
This discipline is used in several videos shared
on social networks. Meanwhile, the lyrics ad-
dress a vital duality: “In life, we hide parts of
ourselves that we don’t want the world to see.
We lock them away. We say no, we make them
disappear. But we won’t do it here. Welcome to
Montero”. This is followed by a quote in Greek
from Plato’s Banquet: “After the division of the
two parts of man, each one desiring his other
half,” while the image represents a trial reminis-
cent of that of Jesus Christ before Pontius Pilate

The last part of the video continues with this
dance, as he sexually insinuates himself into

he kills the devil and removes his crown. At this

represented by a smile and glassy eyes, like a
supernatural entity.
Therefore, the plot and connotative codes of
the image are aimed at representing a process
of individual transformation. The sexual con-
tent of the video - Lil Nas X has relations with
the snake and with the devil -and the use of
color - from primary pastel blue colors to sat-
      
two parts of the video -are key elements that
engage the audience in the analysis. The use of
virtual scenarios (almost all of them realized as
3D scenarios) combines throughout the video
to create a visual piece that is somewhere be-
     -
tion, and naturalistic daydreams.
Industry Baby is probably the most conventional
clip within the typology of narrative videos: First
of all, the singer does not modify his identity be-
yond what is conditioned by the plot, which is
inserted in prison and an escape seasoned by a
choreographic performance, starring semi-na-
ked or naked black men. These again refer di-
rectly to the homosexual vindication contained
in the album’s narrative, included in the lyrics
and the author’s comments in all kinds of me-
dia. The prison space and the plot around an
escape stand out as a unique metaphor for a
-
tity authenticity that he complains about: “I told
you a long time ago on the road. I got what you
were waiting for. I’m not running away from
nothing, dog”.
That’s What I Want is a story of heartbreak that


story between him and another man in situa-
tions about normative masculinity: an Ameri-
      

Brokeback Mountain). In the
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
where dressed as a bride, he weeps after learn-
ing of the conventional marital life of the char-
acter he loves.
Finally, Sun Goes Down is a hybrid between
conventional narrative and the following visual
type to be analyzed - visual postcards - which
begins with a 3D-generated conceptual world,
giving way to a story with a cinematic aesthetic
inspired by the 1980s. However, the actual plot
was set in 2017. The artist, in this song, talks
about his experience when he attempted sui-
cide as a teenager.
To begin with, the singer appears in a wa-
      
     -
er videos. One of them opens on what seems
to be a journey into his teenage past. There,
he appears at a party known as prom, a spe-
cial time for every American teenager. Lil Nas
X seems lonely and sad and wonders about
himself and his sexuality, in contrast to the ap-
parent normality of his peers, who attend the
prom as a couple. At this moment, this sense
of not belonging is accentuated when he locks
himself in the bathroom and cries. Finally, after
talking and seeing his future self (the current Lil
Nas X), he rejoins the others at the dance.
The song’s lyrics again refer to a scenario of
confusion, negative feelings, and not belonging
to the youth social group in which he is insert-
ed. The chorus of the song says: “I want to run
away. I don’t want to lie, I don’t want a life. Send
me a gun, and I’ll see the sun. I’d rather run
away. I don’t want to lie, I don’t want a life. Send
me a gun, and I’ll see the sun”.
Discrimination due to their physique and skin
color also appears in the lyrics, which talk about
bullying and the emotions of loneliness, anxiety,
or depression that they arouse (also appearing
in their messages on social networks). Despite
all this, the outcome of the song is positive
and hopeful, as can be seen in the last chorus:
“I know you want to cry. But there’s so much
more to life than dying”.
According to the artist, the song is about his
suicidal thoughts as a teenager and is intended
to serve as an example for other young peo-
ple in the same situation. As a construction of
a queer subject, it requires a restructuring of
experience and a departure from the norms of
white heteronormativity experienced as a child.
In this project, “queer is a form of longing to re-
construct outside the timeline of what was lost
or repressed in childhood” (Grullon, 2022, p. 8).
In short, these music videos, which are closer
to narrative classics, contain many references
to the lyrics and their identity-claiming content.
Moreover, they are highly intertextual.
3.2. VISUAL POSTCARDS
The rest of the videos on the visual album are
of a simpler and more diverse production and
take the form of 3D digital postcards. They are
visual texts of concise duration, between 30
and 40 seconds, which are reproduced in a
loop and repeated throughout the song. This
is usually the result of production processes
with lower quantity and quality of economic re-
sources in the production phase, which is com-
pensated for by this generation of 3D graphics.
It is worth noting the variety of settings that
populate the digital scenographies, which are
visually freer, less aesthetically, and creative-
       
natural settings. Dolla Sign Slime and Lost in
Citadel start with a moving zenithal shot, like a
bird’s eye view, and Void or Tales of Dominica

or an invitation for the viewer to enter a uto-
pian world. Skyscrapers with glass walls that
can be pierced, fairytale castles, and apocalyp-
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tic, urban, and surreal scenarios make up the
scenographic roster of Montero’s pieces and,
in them, we see a multitude of physical repre-
sentations such as avatars or virtual characters
performing basic actions of video game he-
roes. We also see classic animated stories such
       
enter buildings. This clearly references a claim
of identity construction or experiential transfor-
      -
ure allude to the allegory of the döppelganger
or double.
In Montero, the artist plays all the roles; in Void,

in Lost in Citadel, he watches himself sleep; and
in Sun Goes Down, he seems to be advising his
adolescent self, which follows the spirit of the
letter. This physical multiplication has also been
employed in the promotional photographs of
collaborations with fashion brands (Harris,
2021).
There are also several occasions where the na-
ked or semi-naked torso is used, either alone
or in a group. They refer to the homosexual
iconography of San Sebastián. Choreographies
of several semi-naked or naked black men are
found in Industry Baby; also, there are kisses
with himself (Montero) and with other male
characters (narrative video clips such as That’s
what I want; a kiss with his partner was also
used in the performance of the BET awards,
Black Entertainment Television) (Figure 1).
Figura 1.
Queer bodies and desire in various music video
Industry Baby
Montero (Call me by your name)
         
more on the character of the 3D digital image
and its relation to queer aesthetics in recent
years. According to Blanco-Fernández (2022),
there is no real referent in them, which is why
they are more suitable for disruptive narratives,
worlds outside the norm, and utopian worlds,
such as those presented by queer phenom-
       
the cyborg, the new political subject. Indeed,
-
uration to begin to “model worlds, speculate
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Ana Sedeño-Valdellós, Ana Alicia Balbuena Morilla
Figure 2
Intermission between a Dolla Sign
slime and Lil Nas X’s Instagram moment.
Dolla sign slime
Instagram de Lil Nas X
bodies” (Blanco-Fernández, 2022) and create a
revolution with the construction of more egali-
tarian and subversive identities (Swope, 2021).
This is the most important reference to Afro-
futurist aesthetics, a term developed by Dery
(1994). It is used to indicate a utopian recon-
struction of the future through the black race,
where aesthetic elements typical of science
      
black identity.
Another fully postmodern aspect is found in
the kitsch inspiration of virtual scenography,
where classical tradition and 3D merge. The ac-
cumulation and mixture of these components
of varied origins creates a certain disorder in
this desire to quote and produces a very ar-
        
Meracci says, “The typical modality of kitsch is
to quote out of context an aesthetic and artistic
reference” (2018, p. 22) to completely reappro-
priate that form.
The columns of ancient Roman art in videos
such as Montero
and Am I Dreaming?
bushes in unnatural colors that do not hide
     
opening and ending character of the entrance
to a place, to a world of one’s own, to a kind of
great theatre where a story will take place or
has taken place.
Medieval references, dream castles, and arti-
    -

re-appropriated to give shape to a utopia of
identity or self-birth that can be seen, for ex-
ample, in Dolla Sign Slime. There, a black king
dressed in golden armor sits on his throne. This
look has been employed by the artist in con-
certs and for guest attendance at events, in an
example of the intermediality of his narrative
(Figure 2).
As the last noteworthy element of these four
videos, it is necessary to discuss the visual mo-
tifs and cross-references that construct an in-
tertextual coherence between videos.
Firstly, they have to do with the references to
other visual texts close to queer iconography,
although they are also related to everything re-
lated to a previously underlined biblical symbol-

The Thinker (Rodin, 1881-1882) in Tales
of Dominica.
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Similarly, a whole series of visual motifs recur
between the conventional video clips and the
digital postcards and refer to introspective
characters who have visions, invoke, or see
the future or the past. A parallel is made with
the blind Tiresias, fortune teller and prophet of
the city of Thebes, who metamorphoses into a
woman in Ovid’s work. A narrative of self-dis-
covery, apprenticeship, and subjective quest
lies behind the use of symbols such as water,
mirrors, and watery surfaces such as eyes,

by blindness (Figure 3).
Figure 3
As a fortuneteller or prophet in various videos
These visual postcards refer in particular to
queer desire and a series of quotations well
known to the writer for their biblical content
and their use of kitsch aesthetics.
4. SOCIAL MEDIA
AND DIGITAL
PROMOTIONAL TOOLS
The artist has used social media around his
releases and visual works, which allows us to
        
strategies, especially to achieve subtexts and
link the themes of videos and songs with the
tools that come from platforms such as TikTok,
Instagram, and Twitter.
First, in 2018, he promoted his song Old Town
Road through the #YeeHawChallenge, launched
on TikTok. The challenge consisted of users
taking part in videos dressed as cowboys or
cowgirls while dancing to the song
1
. Such was

mashups, and visual ideas about this game.
Soon after, the renowned music production
company Columbia Records signed the artist

re-released, featuring country singer Billy Ray
Cyrus, which changed his initial commercial
strategy. Thus, he achieved a new record in the
1 Compilation https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LxwpK-
KK3P4s&t=53s
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
records awarded by the RIIA (Recording Indus-
try Association of America). In 2019, she added
to the promotion another challenge that en-
couraged people to appear magically dressed
like in the Wild West and to drink Yee yee Juice
2
.
TikTok’s management highlighted the meme as
a success story and took the song to the Bill-
board Hot 100, where it stayed for 17 weeks.
All this experience helped the singer to inno-
vate on the release of his album Montero. The
      
of the “Satan’s Slippers,” created by a Brook-
lyn-based artist collective, MSCHF. According to
the singer, the shoes in question contained a
drop of human blood on the soles, an inverted
cross, a pentagram, and the words of the bible
verse from Luke 10:18: “Then he said to them,
‘I saw Satan fall like lightning from heaven.’” The
shoe was priced at around $1,000, and there
were only 666 numbered pairs. According to
some sources, the shoes sold out in less than
a minute. These shoes were a well-known Nike

4).
2 An example https://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=qbhTEvcvmEU
For all this, Nike sued Lil Nas X and MSCHF for
trademark infringement. However, as if it were
all part of the same strategy, the Nike lawsuit
was used by Nas for the intro of his second sin-
gle, Industry Baby (feat Jack Harlow), which be-
gins with a lawsuit against the artist himself for
being homosexual. On his social networks, Nas
has expressed his concern about the possible
consequences of the lawsuit on several occa-
sions. However, this has only been part of the
planning for disseminating his work, which has
created content that could quickly go viral due
to its dramatic and provocative nature.
Because of this, Montero’s narrative spread
across all media and social media, generating
a lot of public buzz. During the process, Lil Nas
shared on his Instagram, TikTok, and Twitter

 -
rative was focused on the idea of pregnancy,
where the release of his album was the birth of
his baby (Image 2).
Figure 4
Satan Shoes
6666
Transmedia and identity construction in the music industry: the case of the
visual album Montero by Lil Nas X
All this content has generated a lot of contro-
versy. Still, it has engaged fans and generated
high interest in his music, as all these audio-
visual pills contained references and hidden
messages concerning the album itself. Monte-
ro’s story world goes beyond the visual album
itself and its music videos, as he managed to
create a story around the product that has en-
riched and elevated it.
Figure 5.
Content on Instagram regarding the launch of Montero
Dear 14 year old montero,
I wrote a song with our name in it. It’s
about a guy I met last summer. I know
we promised to never be “that” type of
gay person, I know we promised to die
with the secret, but this will open doors
for many other queer people to simply
exist. you see this is very scary for me,
people will be angry, they will say i’m
pushing an agenda. But the truth is, I
am the agenda to make people stay
the fuck out of other people’s lives
and stop dictating who they should
be. Sending you love from the future.
(Twitter, 26 March 2021)
The social media intervention has continued
on both Instagram and TikTok, with comments
on social media about his personal life and at-
tendance at events, concerts, and live television
performances.
Thus, these visual postcards are full of visual
motifs and can be related, in particular, to cer-
tain controversies involving the artist that are
present on his social networks.
On another occasion, Lil Nas X released a per-
sonal letter he wrote to his 14-year-old self. This
action was part of the promotion of his debut
album, so it was released on Twitter minutes
before the record’s release. Its content helped
      
the artist’s words. In this letter, he said:
6767
Ana Sedeño-Valdellós, Ana Alicia Balbuena Morilla
5. CONCLUSIONS
Transmedia storytelling aims - and wants to
ensure - access to the viewer’s attention for
communicative projects. While this is a suitable
form from an industrial point of view for the
marketing of cultural products, it is also rele-
vant for the extraordinary dynamics of person-
al image management and the creation of sto-
rytelling. In Montero’s case, the musical project
also has a visual format, the album with video
clips or postcards. It is maintained with a link
through messages on social networks that in-
volve the fans and consumers of this content,
acting as a gateway or conduit to the whole al-
bum universe.
The main feature of the musical project ana-
lyzed, and its storytelling, is the production of a
representation of alternative masculinity, con-
       

failure, introspection, acceptance of his ho-
mosexual condition, and learning. Situations
     
around personal moments are represented in
the video plots and in the lyrics and messages
on social networks.
An attempt to disrupt the meaning of being a
man exists behind the representation of her
pregnancy, her crying while dressed as a bride
in her heartbreak, and her kisses with another
boy dressed as a cowboy or dressed up after
playing rugby. The scenes with homosexual
content are distributed between narrative mo-
ments (love relationships) or performative ones
(insinuating choreographies with completely
-
tiplication of roles, of identities, which in many
cases refers to the dichotomies of good/bad
and present/past.
In conjunction with this, the varied representa-
tions of the artist as an avatar or virtual char-
acter, in many of what have been called visual
postcards, enrich this claim of queer existential
fantasy of emancipation, where there is an em-
phasis on non-normative practices and bodies.
This kind of radical birth or transformation also
requires a spatial framework that is character-
 -
cial scenarios made with 3D digital techniques,
as well as a symbolism that combines biblical
references, which was already profusely used
in video clips (Monzón, 2013), objects with
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Transmedia and identity construction in the music industry: the case of the
visual album Montero by Lil Nas X
a substantial charge of meaning (water, the
mirror, the eye) and fantasy places (medieval
castles, cities of the future). In this sense, the
visual album continues to use the viewer’s visu-
al memory and knowledge of previous cultur-
al texts to reinforce discursive coherence with
minimal resources.
Two interesting aspects emerge from this kind
of image system, which is at the heart of Monte-
ro’s storytelling. This storytelling is conveyed by
videos and messages on social networks and

Firstly, this hybridization of visual references
and their recurrence results in a highly inter-
textual work and produces an audiovisual ex-
perience where the content and its delivery
through the various channels is highly cohesive
and refers to the kitsch aesthetic, so scarcely
developed by the musical genre in which Mon-
tero is framed, hip hop, and very useful for
sharing content in the digital medium. On the
other hand, a conceptual framework is created
that refers to the individual future of its main
protagonist and creator, Lil Nas X, but also of
the collective in which he is located, the black
queer community. Race and sexuality appear

political sense, something that Afrofuturist
philosophy has already invoked on several oc-
casions. The project is similar to that of other
musicians, especially black female artists. It is
somehow integrated into this genealogy, which
is becoming increasingly established as a pro-
motional campaigning and storytelling strategy
in popular music.
The concurrence of this type of scenes, sym-
bols, and splitting of characters as patterns of
representation and the spatiotemporal con-
struction described—fantasy worlds, avatars,

Adanic proposal is coherent with a kind of pre-
sentation in society and exploration of identity
and authenticity that has characterized popular
music. After all, Adam appears as Lil Nas X in
Montero (Call by your name).
Montero is a project that makes explicit the con-
vergence of media and materializes especially
in a format, the visual album, helpful in shar-
ing its pieces through the atomization of con-
tent - in the form of videos of songs - but which
develops seriality and a sense of totality as an
invention of media performance that needs to
be ubiquitous but also refer to other previous
visual texts as quotations. In doing so, Lil Nas X


and its innumerable economic and promotion-
al advantages.
6969
Ana Sedeño-Valdellós, Ana Alicia Balbuena Morilla
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
Universitat de Vic - Universitat Central de Catalunya
Universidad del Azuay
73
4
Capacidad transmedia de los VTubers: expansión narrativa
y de produccn de contenidos a partir de la interseccn
con la cultura fan por parte de la agencia Hololive





ARTICLE
Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF)
Bachelor’s in industrial engineering with an emphasis on culture from the Federal University of
the State of Rio de Janeiro (UNIRIO). Currently pursuing a Master’s in Culture and Territorialities
(PPCULT) at the Federal Fluminense University (UFF) and working as a commercial intelligence
manager and RPA software developer. Japanese teacher. Researcher at the Center for Oriental
Cultural Studies (NECO).
rafaeldregis@yahoo.com.br
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8298-2973
Johannes Gutenberg Universität-Mainz
Bachelor’s degree in Media Studies with a Minor in Global Challenges and Social Inequalities
from the Federal Fluminense University. Currently a student in the Master’s program in Human
Geography: Globalization, Media, and Culture at Johannes Gutenberg University-Mainz. Holds

Social Communication Advisory at INI/Fiocruz and as a communication consultant at the Hein-
rich Böll Foundation.
paulagoncalves.em@gmail.com
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7154-7762


OBRA DIGITAL, 25, June 2024, pp. 73-101, e-ISSN 2014-5039
DOI: https://doi.org/10.25029/od.2024.410.25
7474
VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency
Universidade Federal Fluminense (UFF), Centro Federal de Edu-
cação Tecnológica Celso Suckow da Fonseca (CEFET/RJ)
Professor in the Graduate Program in Culture and Territorialities (PPCULT) at the Federal Flumi-
nense University (UFF) and in the Mechanical Engineering Bachelor’s program (COEMEC) at the
Federal Center for Technological Education Celso Suckow da Fonseca (CEFET/RJ). Holds a Ph.D.
in Social Memory from the Federal University of the State of Rio de Janeiro (UNIRIO). Leads the
Research Group on Production and Economics of Communion and and researcher at the Cen-

in Entertainment Encounter (3E/UNIRIO).

https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9732-7939
Universidade Estácio de Sá - Campus Resende-RJ
Law Bachelor’s student at Estácio de University, Resende-RJ Campus, voluntary English teach-
er, and researcher at the Center for Oriental Cultural Studies (NECO).
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9732-7939
RECEIVED: 2023-11-01 / ACCEPTED: 2024-03-18
Júlio César Valente Ferreira

Abstract
The present article proposes to analyze the
transmedia capacity of VTubers, content cre-
ators, independent or under agencies, who in-
teract with the audience via a virtual 2D or 3D
avatar generated by computer graphics and
controlled by human movement capture. For
the course of this work, through the perspec-
tive of a marketing strategy composed of col-
lective construction, the analysis found an op-
portunity to prove that, through the use of 
sentiments, kawaii aesthetics, and incentives
towards the participative culture of other so-
cial actors, VTubers have the ability to expand
their media market beyond that of their original
live streams in media platforms. To prove such
a hypothesis, case studies of the current port-
folio of cultural products from Hololive, one
of the biggest international VTuber agencies,
and of the consumer/fan productions of these
content creators under the Hololive brand
were promoted. Other than proving the initial
hypothesis, the results show that the agency’s
interface with the consumers/fans, constructed
     -
centives by the company, takes it to promising
corporate results, indicative that such actions
represent the birth of a new transmedia per-
spective.
7575
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz

VTuber, Hololive, Transmedia, Engagement,
Participatory culture

 -
izar la capacidad transmedia de los VTubers,
creadores de contenido, ya sean independi-
entes o agenciados, que interactúan con un
público a través de un avatar virtual 2D o 3D
generado por computadora y controlado por
captura de movimiento de un humano. A lo

estrategia de marketing orientada a la con-
strucción colectiva, el análisis ha demostrado
que, mediante el uso del sentimiento , la
estética  y el fomento de la cultura par-
ticipativa de otros actores sociales, los 
tienen la capacidad de expandir su actuación
en el mercado de medios más allá de su origen
en las transmisiones en vivo en plataformas de
medios. Para demostrar esta hipótesis, se lle-
varon a cabo estudios de caso sobre el actual
portafolio de productos culturales de ,
una de las principales agencias mundiales de
, y sobre la producción de los consum-
idores/fans de estos creadores de contenido,
agenciados por 
la hipótesis inicial, los resultados mostraron
que la interfaz de la agencia con los consumi-
dores/fans, construida mediante la acogida y el

de la empresa, conduce a resultados corpora-
tivos prometedores e indicativos de que tales
acciones representan el surgimiento de una
nueva perspectiva transmediática.

 , Transmedia, Compromiso de
fan, Cultura participativa.

The COVID-19 pandemic and its social isolation
    
and consumption of newer cultural artifacts
with greater potential for individual and remote
      
streams, online games, and virtual interaction
through avatars (Diniz, 2022; Regis 
2023; Tan, 2023).
Under these circumstances, the focus here is
on a phenomenon originally from Japan on the
internet and widely disseminated through live
streaming platforms: the “Virtual YouTubers,”
commonly referred to as “VTubers,” who are
content creators that use software and hard-
ware to represent themselves anonymous-
ly as 2D or 3D virtual avatars instead of their
real personas (Regis, 2021; Regis 2022;
Suan, 2021; Turner, 2022; YouTube Culture &
Trends, 2020). The authors highlight that the
widespread popularization of VTubers was fa-
cilitated by the establishment and operation of
talent agencies, which provide structural sup-
port for enhancing the skills and capabilities of
these content creators, particularly before the
widespread adoption of new technology and
the subsequent decrease in production costs,
which paved the way for more independent
VTubers on the platforms.
Just as with other productions in this niche cul-

(Azuma, 2009), the engagement of its fanbase
leads them to produce their own content, un-
related to the creators and/or agencies, which,
on the other hand, adopt the strategy of not
fully exerting their property rights. This ap-
proach aims to bring fans closer to the produc-
tion chain and enhance narrative expansion
7676
VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency
through the creation of new products, thereby
also expanding the possibilities for the use of
media platforms.
Despite being a relatively recent phenomenon
on the internet, VTubers draw attention due
to their high levels of engagement with the au-
dience, which manifests in multiple forms of
consumption and brings Jenkins’ (2006) idea of
participatory culture to another level, not seen
in other media products of  culture (Diniz
 2022; Regis, 2021; Regis  2022; Regis
 2023; Tan, 2023; Turner, 2022).
In the case of VTubers, this fan-culture no
longer operates independently. The agencies
themselves have begun to invest in this type of
narrative expansion through in-house produc-
tion and collaborative partnerships with fans.
-
gy forms a transmedia ecosystem is Hololive, a
Japanese company that currently ranks among
the largest in the industry, considering its reve-
nue and the number of VTubers it represents
(COVER, 2024; Diniz 2022; Regis  
2022; Regis  2023).
In seeking to understand the dynamics of such
a market and its internal and external impacts,
it became necessary to establish a theoretical
framework that encompassed the foundational
elements of this network. Subsequently, sup-
ported by this framework, two case studies
      
Hololive agency, while the second focused on
fan-produced content circulating in the market,
which has already adopted the strategy men-
tioned in the previous paragraphs of narrative
expansion to achieve the status of a more di-
verse company in terms of commercial assets
and intellectual properties.


OTAKU 
VTuber content can be understood as yet an-
other niche of the Japanese  culture (
󶔭  ), which originally meant “your
home” (Azuma, 2009). This term emerged in the
1970s to refer to individuals who excessively


     
2019). Over time, culture expanded to
encompass a broad community of fans and
consumers of cultural products, becoming an
important part of the Japanese economy and
an essential component of the Cool Japan pol-
icy for promoting the country internationally
(Galbraith, 2019).
On the other hand, Azuma (2009) describes
the nature of  culture as a phenomenon
driven by consumer culture and the fragmen-
tation of identity.  are among the biggest
consumers of “database,” referring to their ten-
dency to selectively use and reinterpret cultur-
al elements, creating a database of references
and images.
This idea can be integrated into the discussion
about-
lighting how they construct personal identities
and emotional relationships based on these
fragmented cultural references. Characters be-
come anchor points for the expression of fans’
identity and desires as they reinterpret and re-
mix them according to their preferences and
experiences (Azuma, 2009; Condry, 2013; Diniz
7777
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz
  2023; Galbraith, 2019; Otsuka & Stein-
berg, 2010; Steinberg, 2012).
Much of this emotional connection between
the character and the consumer is due, in var-
ious aspects, to the sentiment of ,” which
is a common production strategy through “da-
tabases.” is a complex and multifaceted
concept in Japanese pop culture, describing
     -
ed with anime characters, manga, games, and
other forms of media.  is typically inter-

emotional attraction, often accompanied by a
desire to protect or care for the character in
question (Azuma, 2009; Condry, 2013; Diniz 
al., 2023; Galbraith, 2019; Regis ., 2022).
This sentiment can be evoked by a variety of
characteristics, such as adorable physical traits,
diverse personalities, and situations that evoke
sympathy, along with the use of the 
󳗥) aesthetic. can be understood as
cute, charming, innocent, sweet, gentle, small,
lovable, and friendly, but primarily, “adorable.”
It’s an aesthetic choice native to Japan that is
becoming increasingly globalized. (Galbraith,
2019; Okazaki & Johnson, 2013), illustrated in
Figure 1.
Figure 1




Therefore,  plays a vital role in building
emotional bonds between fans and characters,
contributing to the popularity and success of
many media works and, consequently, in de-
veloping licensed products such as collectible
-
ucts capitalize on the emotional attraction that
-
ious industries, including entertainment, fash-
ion, technology, and art (Azuma, 2009; Condry,
2013; Galbraith, 2019), and can be interpreted

around Japanese pop culture.
According to Jenkins (2006), the concept of
     
such as love, enthusiasm, nostalgia, anger and
sadness, among others, are incorporated into
commercial and cultural practices to engage
the audience, build brand loyalty, and encour-
      -
sumption. It can be cultivated, exploited, and
monetized.
     
based on the construction of socioemotional
relationships with characters linked to 
culture, has become an important part of the
Japanese economy, driving sectors from ser-
vices and media to various industrial parks
such as cosmetics, electronics, and toys (Con-
dry, 2013; Diniz  ., 2023; Galbraith, 2019).
This includes products and services based on
VTubers (Regis, 2021; Regis., 2023; Tan,
2023; Zhao, 2022).
Finally, according to Regis  (2022), Turner
(2022) and Tan (2023), the possibility of inter-
acting with VTubers with cheerful appearances,
even if anonymous, can attract groups of young
-
7878
VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency
cation, romantic interest, and curiosity. There-
fore, being characters portrayed anonymously
by real people capable of real-time interaction
and dialogue during live streams, VTubers can
evoke various feelings that result in engage-
ment from the otaku community (Regis.,
2022; Regis ., 2023; Suan, 2021; Tan, 2023;
Turner, 2022; Zhao, 2022).

The concept of participatory culture is a phe-
nomenon characterized by the active involve-
    -
tion, and sharing of cultural content (Jenkins,
2006). In this context, individuals engage in ac-
tivities such as creating videos, music, art, texts,
and other content, often using digital platforms
and social networks to share their creations
with a wide audience, promoting collaboration
among participating fan social circles and gen-
     -
kins, 2006). These diverse fan creations can be
understood through User Generated Content
(UGC), which is the production of content by us-
ers about the products and services of compa-
nies (Christodoulides , 2012; Santos, 2022).
Furthermore, continuous technological evo-
lution allows more and new cultural niches to
become economically viable, developing new
communities and creating a new media “Long
Tail” (Anderson, 2006), with VTubers being un-
derstood as yet another facet of the Japanese
cultural industry (Diniz , 2022; Regis 
2022).
Brand love (Batra 2012; Palusuk  
2019) refers to the loyalty and emotional and
-
-
er engagement. Among other topics related to

cultural relevance, which involve alignment with
relevant cultural trends and issues for the tar-
get audience, a strong brand identity, customer
experience in creating positive memories, and
-
paigns that foster emotional connection. That
is to say, tapping into the emotions promoted

Finally, UGC becomes the main and initial part
of a user generated branding (UGB) strate-
gy, which consists of using UGC to collectively
construct brand value and love. In this sense,
the user feels invited to create content, which
    
Therefore, the consumer feels they are col-
laboratively creating the branding, leading to a
sense of belonging and importance (Burmann,
2010). In this way, UGC becomes the consum-
      -
odoulides ., 2012; Santos, 2022).

Created in 2016,  AI is a pioneer as a
VTuber, being owned by  AI Inc. (based

technology software through body sensors
and a microphone (Regis ., 2022; YouTube
Culture & Trends, 2020). Although it started in
Japan, 
other nations and platforms in East Asia (Regis
., 2023), including customized versions for
each country (Figure 2), driving the emergence
of VTuber companies worldwide as the tech-
nology becomes more accessible (Regis .,
2022; Regis ., 2023).
7979
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz
Figure 2


It is worth noting that the VTubers’ phenom-
enon, besides being a new form of enter-
tainment, fun, and community building in the
post-pandemic context (Diniz  ., 2022; Re-
gis ., 2022; Regis ., 2023; Tan, 2023), is
deeply immersed in the realm of otaku fan-cul-
ture. Today, it has evolved into a global cultural
industry, enabling the emergence of special-
ized companies in this product.

Hololive is a VTuber agency company. It was
founded in 2017 was founded with only two
employees with investment from “Tokyo VR
Startups”, a technology startup incubator. By
2023, the brand already had 492 employees di-

group of Japanese-language talents, (ii) Holos-
tars, to manage male VTuber idols, (iii) Hololive
Indonesia, (iv) Hololive English, responsible for
    -
tive, responsible for the company’s transmedia

for the creation of a shared narrative universe
in which all brand idols are inserted and are
protagonists (COVER, 2022; COVER, 2024; Ho-
lolive Alternative, 2024). Currently, all these
brands are owned by a holding company called
Cover Corp.
Regarding media size and expansion, as of
February 2024, Hololive had 86 VTubers, 36
of whom had more than 1 million subscribers,
totaling 86.25 million subscribers on YouTube
-
cial results report, Hololive highlights the signif-
icant contribution of its Hololive English VTu-
bers to the brand’s globalization (COVER, 2022;
COVER, 2024). Finally, the average revenue per
VTuber in 2023 for Hololive reached 312 million
yen (approximately 2.1 million dollars) (COVER,
2024).
8080
VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency
Figure 3

Figure 4



explained by the COVID-19 pandemic, which
opened up new opportunities for online con-
tent consumption. This is due to both the au-
dience’s increased availability of time and their

greater openness to new types of digital cultur-
al content, as evidenced by Figure 4 (Diniz 
al., 2022; Regis , 2022). The role of Hololive
English in popularizing the brand in the United
States is also highlighted (Diniz ., 2022; Re-
gis ., 2022).

8181
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz
Figure 5



Another essential data point supporting this
observation is related to audience donations
to streamers (producers of live videos on the
internet), one of the most important indicators
of audience engagement (Hilvert-Bruce  
2018). In this regard, VTubers had higher audi-
ence donation rates than “traditional” content
creators on YouTube. These donations are
even more substantial when considering VTu-
bers from the Hololive company. For example,
Hololive received by fan’s donations 36.9 mil-
lion dollars between 2019 and 2021 (Regis 
 2022).
Based on the data, as described by Diniz 
(2022) and Regis  (2022), and by the You-
Tube Culture & Trends Report (YouTube Cul-
        
VTubers are already an essential part of the
YouTube ecosystem, especially when consid-
ering engagement through special audience
donations (Super Chat) (Figure 5). This proves
great reciprocity between the audience watch-
ing this type of content creator and the VTuber
-
ous parallel works created by fans in homage to
their favorite VTubers, expanding their respec-
tive narratives.
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VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency

Transmedia is the use of various types of media
strategically employed to create various com-
plementary and interconnected content within
the ecosystem of otaku culture, as discussed in
this article.
As a tool for narrative expansion, the term
transmedia was proposed by Kinder (1991),
who approaches it by expanding the formats of
intertextual signs made possible by digital me-
dia artifacts. Later, Laurel (2000) elevated trans-
media to a conceptual level by stating the ne-
cessity of it being a guiding principle in content
production for the concreteness of narrative
expansion, no longer producing content for a

for other media afterward.
This framework provided Jenkins (2006) with
the establishment of transmedia within the

content across various media platforms, which
is also permeable to cooperation between mar-

presented in this article through participatory
culture, a fundamental otaku element). As a
result, consumption becomes a collective pro-
cess with actors in this sociotechnical system
occupying multiple positions simultaneously,
whether as creators, producers, receivers, or
distributors.
Lastly, it’s worth noting that Jenkins (2006) em-
phasizes that such a culture of convergence
in transmedia production occurs not only in
the mediation between technological artifacts
but primarily in the processes of socialization
among the social actors of the sociotechnical
system.

To accomplish this article, initially, a theoretical
framework was established based on the scru-
tinized references in the work by Regis  
(2022), where a narrative review was conduct-
ed on the VTuber topic to establish conceptual
landmarks about this manifestation of otaku
culture, complemented by theoretical contri-
butions on the same topic published by Regis
. (2023).
The results were obtained from two case stud-
ies, one regarding fan transmedia production
and the other about the Hololive agency. They
were conceived from the perspective described
by Yin (2017), who argues that the case study
is the technique with the greatest eligibility
capacity when three questions are combined
in research: (i) the investigation proposes the
questions “how” or “why”; (ii) the reduced con-
trol over events, and (iii) the focus placed on a
contemporary phenomenon, with reduced
data synthesis. Also based on Yin (2017), the
discussion was guided by triangulating the data
obtained from corporate reports, observation
of marketplaces with products inspired by VTu-
bers, analysis of content consumption data on
social networks such as YouTube, Spotify, Pixiv,
     
the implementation of transmedia products,
supported by the author’s experience in this

8383
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz
4. RESULTS AND
DISCUSSION
4.1. HOLOLIVE’S
TRANSMEDIA
PRODUCTION
Hololive’s transmedia production is diverse and
     
report (COVER, 2024), the company presents its
VTubers in various means of communication,
not only in search of new sources of income
but also demonstrating that its talents can be
present in multiple aspects of daily life (COVER,
2022; COVER, 2024). This positioning corrob-
orates what Galbraith (2019) has said, which
points towards the fact that many otaku fans

the real universe, their favorite characters be-
ing another extension of reality. This company
vision can be observed in its marketing, as seen
in Tokyo in 2023 (Figure 6), with the company’s
VTubers being present in various aspects of the
city’s daily life (Baseel, 2023). Another example
is the recent selection of VTubers Gawr Gura,
Mori Calliope, and Sakura Miko as ambassa-
dors of tourism for the Tokyo Prefecture, illus-
trated in Figure 7 (Harding, 2023).
    -
media production launched in 2018 on You-
Tube: the anime  no !, which fo-
cused on the VTuber character Sakura Miko.

with only ten episodes. However, it was an im-
portant test and experiment for its more ro-

Anime 


It was distributed by and featured on YouTube
for free. It had short episodes (no more than 6
minutes), which added layers of interconnect-
ed narratives for fan consumption as well as
thickening the plots and personalities of each
of the company’s VTuber characters, revealing
friendships, interactions, personality traits, and
romantic interests.
Dubbed in Japanese, English, and Indonesian
by the very same anonymous actresses who
interpret the brand’s VTubers, the episodes are
also available in Japanese, Mandarin, English,
Spanish, Korean, and Indonesian to reach audi-
ences beyond Japan. As of now, the series has
over 250 episodes.
Regarding its popularity, 
view rate of around 500 thousand and 5.2 mil-
lion views per episode on YouTube, expressive
numbers for a niche product. Another metric,
“MyAnimeList” (MAL), has been adopted to in-
dicate insertion into the occidental market. Its
a North American website intending to group
up and catalog anime, as well as gather infor-
mation on user evaluations from the public that
       
the anime consumer and anime technical data
(Ferreira ., 2023). According to MyAnimeList

occupied rank #378 in quality, with a score of
8.19 by the public, and ranked #2780 in popu-
larity, with 54,619 following members, demon-
strating that it’s still a niche, restricted anime,
but with growth potential. For comparison’s
sake, we list MyAnimeList’s popularity rank data
8484
VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency
Figure 6


8585
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz
Figur 7

Figure 8



8686
VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency
Table 1

Figure 9



Anime Grades



Popu-


 8,54 3,909,915 #1
Death Note 8,62 3,866,121 #2
Fullmetal Alche-
mist: Brotherhood
9,09 3,313,403 #3
Naruto 7,99 2,828,124 #8
Dragon Ball Z 8,17 1,216,476 #112

Sailor Moon
7,73 380,141 #604
Girls & Panzer 7,52 300,029 #788
(...)
 8,19 54,619 #2,941
Miko no Tsutome! 6,09 2,348 #10,649

1):

was being implemented, and various items re-
lated to the phonographic industry were being
added to the catalog of narratives for con-
sumption, the expansion into the musical mar-
ket being a central part of the growth and diver-

company’s VTubers are professional singers
and release music, albums, and music videos
for original songs and covers of popular songs,
with distribution on platforms like YouTube
Music, Spotify, and Apple Music. For example,
the success among the public, as demonstrat-
ed by Figure 9, VTuber Mori Calliope, was on
the cover of the special edition of the Rolling
Stone Magazine for Anime Expo 2022 (Regis 
al., 2022).
Another piece of data that corroborates the
company’s VTuber success is illustrated in Fig-
ure 10, which shows that the leading singers in
the agency already reached millions of month-
8787
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz
Figure 10


ly listeners on Spotify and total subscribers on
YouTube in March 2024.

pandemic, a new captivated consumer market
has been established (Diniz ., 2022; Regis,
2021; Regis ., 2022; Regis ., 2023; Tan,
2023; Turner, 2022). Through technological
advancements that made resources like ho-
lography, body mapping, and real-time pro-
cessing more accessible, the company initiated
holographic live concerts in real-life stadiums
in 2022. That is to say, it starts making musical
performances on stages with a live audience
where, through optical illusions, holographic
technology, 3D mapping of movements, and
real-time processing, the VTuber interpreters
can transmit their actions and voices onto the
stage. The audience can experience the sense
that these same characters are present on
stage and performing in real-time. Exemplifying
this type of spectacle, Figure 11 depicts one of
8888
VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency
Figure 11


the Holo 4th Fes concerts, taken place in Tokyo
in March 2023 (Hololive Super Expo, 2023).

were essential products in introducing trans-
media content in Hololive. These initiatives
        

12).
Hololive Alternative was announced in Febru-
       -
ratives created around the Hololive VTubers,
synthesizing them into a single shared universe

manga (Figure 13), anime and the game Ho-
loEarth (Figure 14) (COVER; 2022; COVER, 2024;
Hololive Alternative, 2021; Hololive Alternative,
2024), expanding the story and narrative of all
of the company’s characters into diverse trans-
media stories, amply meeting the consumer
demands for new narratives, typical of otaku
8989
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz
Figure 12


[󶫅󰉏󰑖󶕜󵦥󶇰󷞕󶉆󳭎
Figure 13



9090
VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency
Figure 14


fans (Azuma, 2009; Galbraith, 2019; Otsuka &
Steinberg, 2010; Steinberg, 2012).
Hololive Alternative aims to consolidate the
company’s VTubers not only as streamers or
content creators on the internet but also as
characters with IPs (Intellectual Property) capa-
ble of being consumed and licensed in various
ways (Figure 15). It’s prudent to mention that
commercialization and licensing of VTubers are
already important sources of income for the
company, representing 38,9% and 18,1% of
their income, respectively, as indicated by Fig-
ure 15 (COVER, 2024).
4.2. FAN TRANSMEDIA
PRODUCTION
On Hololive’s website, there’s a clear descrip-
tion, in English, Indonesian, and Japanese, of its
free usage policies for the brand and images
of their virtual idols in fan works, which can be
understood as UGC, with its precautions and
warnings. Consider writing in the active voice:
     
policies as a crucial part of its success with the
public. Here is the complete passage available
     -
live, 2024):
     
creations born of fans’ ideas and cre-
ativity based on content created by us.
regard-
ing works that we deem to be deriva-
tive works as long as they comply with
these overall guidelines.
Please note that we may use any de-
rivative works you create as stream
thumbnails on social media, etc.
  
     

derivative works. Such use does not fall
within the scope of these guidelines.
9191
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz
Figure 15


Amongst the alerts described for the use of the
brand and images of its VTuber idols are (Holo-
live, 2024):
1) Please be mindful of our talents and refrain
from creating derivative works that they

2) Please limit your creation of derivative works
to a fan or hobby level. Do not use our
content for business purposes (including,
but not limited to, cases where a business
bears the production costs, etc., even if it
is under the name of an individual) or for

3) Please comply with all applicable laws and
regulations, including the terms and rules
of any relevant platforms.
Please refrain from creating derivative works
that fall under the following categories:

or can be misinterpreted or mistaken as

5) Content that is contradictory to public order
and morality or exceeds what is socially ac-
ceptable
6) Content that includes matters pertaining to
any particular ideology, belief, religion, or
politics
7) Content that damages our image, or that of
our talents or our content
8) Content that damages a third party’s image
or violates their rights
9) Other content that we deem unsuitable
However, fans and businesses, with the per-
ception of this demand in expansion for more
content derived from this Hololive transmedia
ecosystem, ignore part of the brand’s terms of
9292
VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency

      -
      
fan-arts, backpacks, shirts, caps, mugs, pillows,

content related to these VTuber idols. These
ensembles produced by fans are made avail-
able for purchase online in marketplaces like
Shopee, AliExpress, and Taobao (Regis  
2023; Zhao, 2022), as shown in Figure 16.
Figure 16


9393
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz
Figure 17

Figure 18




Other fan-created transmedia products in-
clude fan-art, animation, music, and manga
(Figures 17 and 18). For comparison’s sake, in
the digital fan-art sharing website Pixiv, there
are over 448,800 Hololive fan-arts (Pixiv, 2024).
All of these items add more consumable par-
allel narratives to the ones already established
by the brand, simulating situations, events, so-
      -
fore feeding into the otaku community related
to the Hololive content. It’s worth noting that
Azuma (2009), Condry (2013), Galbraith (2019),
9494
VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency
Otsuka and Steinberg (2010), and Steinberg
(2012) point out that derivative works by fans
are positioned as hallmarks of otaku culture.
It is common for the company’s VTubers to re-
cord content of themselves consuming these
fan productions live, like the manga, games,
memes, and artwork, in a show of mutual rec-
ognition and interaction with the community
around them, incentivizing even more this par-
allel production. In fact, many narratives cre-
ated by fans are incorporated by the VTubers
and their company, for example, certain ro-
mantic interests, tastes, eccentricities and even
new group formations.
Considering these interfaces, Azuma (2009)
discusses that otaku culture is governed by the
consumption of narratives formed by these
derivative works, being that technological ad-
vancement has allowed an increase in the pro-
duction and dissemination of otaku content by
fans, simplifying processes (Regis ., 2022),
corroborating with the formation of new con-
sumption niches on the long-term (Anderson,
-
tent from the company and those produced by
fans are blurred, bringing with it a new concept
of the existence of several simulacra, slightly
-
-
es between producer and consumer, where
the latter both produces and consumes the
works (Otsuka & Steinberg, 2010; Steinberg,
2012), questioning, then, the concept of au-
thorship, added on by the fact that consumers
rarely remember the origins of the authors of
subsequent narratives (Azuma, 2009).
4.3. TRANSMEDIA
INTERSECTIONS
MEDIATED BY HOLOLIVE
     
production, it becomes essential for VTuber
businesses like Hololive to unilaterally let go
        
countries where their products circulate and
ignore particular commercialization of non-of-
     
and games, etc., intending to feed and maintain
these vibrant, growing  communities that
manifest around them and its talents, even in-
centivizing its VTubers to produce content con-
suming and analyzing such derivative works,
interacting with and incentivizing fans to con-
sume and even make more works, then paving
the way to new forms of transmedia mediation
between the IP holders and fans who produce
new narratives and cultural artifacts, in a way
expanding on the UGB strategy.
One of the most complex artifacts produced
by fans that garner the most public attention is
the fan-games. Fan-games about Hololive and
its VTubers are many, with varying degrees of

are constantly shared and played by VTubers
on stream.
9595
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz
Figure 19


In this sense, in 2023, the company has instilled
a new policy in regard to these works, the cre-

where these game producers could distribute
      
even with the potential of being monetized, in
platforms like Steam and Xbox, creating even
more stimuli for these developers, which di-
rectly helps in promoting the brand (COVER,
2024; Hololive, 2024). The success of a portion
of these games has already reached the gener-
al public, no longer restricted to the captivated
Hololive consumer, and it stimulates the pro-
duction of denser, more complex games with
bigger budgets, as represented in Figure 19. So,

for digital game development, diversifying and
9696
VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency
Figure 20


potentializing its transmedia capacity and long-
term engagement with audiences, creating new
narratives for consumption.
The company also absorbs other UGC ele-
ments like art and comic products. An exam-
ple is the group , created by Hololive
VTuber fans whose designs are based on birds
(” means bird in Japanese) (Figure 20). In
this case, the intersection mediated by Hololive
-
nanced a music video that is currently available

Another result of this intersection is Smol Ame,

      
 has become so popular amongst fans that
other VTubers have been converted into the
9797
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz
Figure 21




same design in their avatars, as well as
-
ready being commercialized by the company,
as observed in Figure 21.
In this way, analysis of these results points to
these intersectional actions with fan produc-
tions as being part of an ample UGB strategy,
incrementing engagement with and recognition
of the audience in their collaborative process of
construction of the brand as well as brand love,
with the consumer-producer fan recognizing
themselves as a participative actor with agency

in Hololive.

     
production and exchanges. By aligning with
participatory culture, a social scenario that
blurs the roles of media sender and receiver.
In the case of VTubers, the engagement gener-
ated by such culture is enhanced, as the arche-
type of the sender is an avatar. Although there
is a human behind this construct, receivers are
9898
VTubers transmedia capacity: narrative and content production expansion
based on the intersection with fan-culture by the Hololive agency
consuming and/or producing content from a
virtual entity, which brings all actors in this so-
ciotechnical network closer to the idea of a col-
laborative construction process.
By producing artifacts with content based on
their virtual idols, users increase their engage-

-
tion occurs through the capitalization of posi-
tive social experiences during interaction with
VTuber content, which allows for the contin-
uous redesign of aspects presented by these
avatars.
Given this panorama, Hololive’s commercial
strategy is centered on the consumers’ emo-
tional connection with their VTuber characters
and promoting participatory culture. In this
context, the concept of brand love is operated
with the aim of the company creating deeper
bonds with its audience. By exploring cultural

engagement, the company strengthens its fan
base and fosters consumer loyalty, a funda-
mental capability to transform media compa-
nies into intellectual property corporations.
By identifying the potential for fan participation
of VTubers managed by Hololive, the company
stimulates this production to popularize the
brand and leverage the feedback loop present
infan-culture. Such stimuli go beyond
simply allowing the use of corporate content,
extending to the embrace of this product in its
-
structure for the realization of fan products.
The results presented by Hololive are promis-
ing and indicative that such actions represent
the emergence of a new transmedia perspec-
tive, which involves increasing levels of inter-
twining between companies and consumers
in the production and distribution of content,
-
ents that each actor possesses, allows us to af-

-
ferent media platforms.
9999
Rafael Dirques David Regis, Paula Gonçalves, Júlio César Ferreira,
Gabriela Diniz
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cle/125983217.pdf
Universitat de Vic - Universitat Central de Catalunya
Universidad del Azuay

103
5
El compromiso perenne de Francesco Rosi en su cine más
contemponeo, a tras de su obra Dimenticare Palermo
(The Palermo connection)





ARTICLE
Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona
Ludovico Longhi holds a degree in literature from the University of Bologna (Italy), with a thesis
on the cinema of Vicente Aranda. In 1997, he received a pre-doctoral research grant from the
Generalitat de Catalunya. From the same year until today, he teaches Theory and History of
Cinema at the Faculty of Audiovisual Communication at the UAB. In 2011, he received his PhD
with the thesis Radici culturali della comicità di Alberto Sordi. In 2019, he published (together
with Valerio Carando and Rosa Gutiérrez) the volume From Scipio to Berlusconi: A History of
Italy in 50 Films.
ludovico.longhi@uab.cat
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4920-0535
Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona
Ezequiel Ramon-Pinat is Professor of Communication and Public Opinion at the Department of
Media, Communication and Culture, Faculty of Communication Sciences, Universitat Autònoma
de Barcelona. He is also a researcher at the Comress-Incom group, Institute of Communication.
He has a BA in Journalism, an MA, and a Ph.D. in Media, Communication, and Culture from the

the Internet, and traditional media while focusing on the sociology of communication. He also
teaches Audiences and Public Opinion in the Master in Journalism and Digital Communication:
Data and New Narratives at the Universitat Oberta de Catalunya. He has been a visiting profes-
sor at the Universities of Bergen, Norway, and Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic.
ezequiel.ramon@uab.cat
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1050-6497
RECEIVED: 2023-06-03 / ACCEPTED: 23-11-21


OBRA DIGITAL, 25, June 2024, pp. 103-115, e-ISSN 2014-5039
DOI: https://doi.org/10.25029/od.2024.387.25
104104
The perennial commitment of Francesco Rosi in his most contemporary cinema,
through his work Dimenticare Palermo (The Palermo connection)
This research proposes to reconsider Dimen-
ticare Palermo (1990), the penultimate feature
       
return to the path of social denunciation. This
     
into the relationship between politics and the
-
acy is focused from an American perspective.
His interest in an argument as lively at the time
as the controlled legalization of drugs is devel-
oped within the codes of gangster movies and

After a long career as assistant director and
-
no Visconti (among others), Rosi made his de-
but in 1958 with The Challenge, a fresco of the
pulsating Naples working class, in whose misery


has adopted a civil commitment to the issues
      
particular attention to the connection between
organized crime and the national and interna-
tional political world. Thanks to the internation-

by seductive proposals from national produc-
ers that diverted him from his initial purpose
(The Moment of Truth, 1965 and Chronicle
       
however, he adopted a fabulistic metaphorical
register (   , 1967) or an
operatic one (Bizet’s Carmen, 1984) to achieve
global transcendence, albeit with irregular suc-
cess.
Abstract
-
co Rosi adopted a political commitment to the

south of the country. In one of his last works,
Dimenticare Palermo (The Palermo connection,
1990), he delves into the relationship between
-


at that time, he was in favor of a controlled le-
galization of drugs, although the confrontation
-

KEYWORDS
Francesco Rosi, The Palermo Connection, Ital-
ian cinema, Political Cinema, Gangster thriller.

A lo largo de su obra, el director de cine Fran-
cesco Rosi adoptó un compromiso político

a toda Italia, especialmente al sur del país. En
una de sus últimas obras, 
(1990), se adentra en la relación entre política

sus películas acaban por adoptar una narrativa
cercana al cine negro. Contemporáneo al de-
bate de aquel entonces, se posiciona a favor de
una legalización controlada de las drogas, aun-
que el enfrentamiento con el PSI que propugn-
aba una postura diferente haya hecho peligrar
su proyecto.

Francesco Rosi, Dimenticare Palermo, Cine
italiano, Cine político, Thriller de gánster.
105105
Ludovico Longhi, Ezequiel Ramon Pinat
are hidden the roots of a young man’s ambi-
tions for power, anxious to climb the Camorra
hierarchy. At its premiere, the director exposed

inserted in a Mediterranean setting. In his lat-
  (1959), the Parthenope-
an atmosphere expatriates and contaminates
      -
ures of Neapolitan swindlers surround Alberto
Sordi’s grotesque mask, which sustains a nar-
rative tension that balances between comedy

 (1962), he re-
traces the exploits of the bandit Giuliano from
his years of militancy in the ranks of Sicilian sep-

and the latifundium interests. It tells the story
of the massacre of the peasants of 
 The historical facts are reconstructed
-
chitecture that fuses photographic coverage,

austere and vigorous register that Rosi applied
to successive works of cinema research. In 
 (1963), he transfers the same
stylistic register to the urban setting of Naples
to narrate the ravages caused to the city’s
fabric by real estate speculation. Later, in 
 (1972), he takes his model of dra-
maturgy of reality to its ultimate consequences,
recounting the intertwining of international po-
litical strategies and the interests of the big oil
industry.
In both features, Rosi organized his civil de-
nunciation around the presence of world-re-
nowned performers, such as the American Rod
Steiger and Gian Maria Volonté, a transalpine
icon of political cinema. As the historian Stefa-
no Masi intuits, the disturbing presence of this
great actor, controlled by the director with me-
ticulous subtractive attention, becomes almost
a trademark of Rosi’s civil cinema, from -
 to , the criminal biography
of an Italian-American kingpin (2006).
Rosi’s characters, so strongly committed to
the chronicle, nevertheless live their presence
in the story in a dimension of archetypal dra-
maturgy. This approach, which cools their
substance and transforms them into symbols
of elemental passions, distances her from the
narrated circumstances and brings it closer to
universal archetypes. Thus, the antiheroes and
palace intrigues of Italian politics in 
 (although clearly inspired by real char-
acters, everyday occurrences in the press and
on the RAI news) become, in the chilling formal
     
-
spective, the metaphorical and, in some cases,
abstract turn of his involvement was possible
due to the change in the direction of photog-
raphy. The dry and vigorous look of the late
Gianni Di Venanzo gave way to the more spec-
tacular chromaticism of Pasqualino De Santis.
The change has provided discontinuous results
that have not always harmonized the vision’s
pyrotechnics with the discourse’s seriousness.

Traditionally, Southern Italy has been strongly


the culture and thought of Verga, De Roberto,
Pirandello, Brancati, Sciasciacia, and Bufalino,
among others, have contributed to accentuat-
106106
The perennial commitment of Francesco Rosi in his most contemporary cinema,
through his work Dimenticare Palermo (The Palermo connection)
ing the negative aspects in the strong charac-
terization of Sicily. On the other hand, one can-
not do without the idealized and mystical look
under which it has also been represented on

that it continues to arouse interest throughout
the decades. This is attested to by the stainless
mythology of , a saga inaugurat-
ed in 1971 by Francis Ford Coppola and Mario
Puzo (with Marlon Brando and Al Pacino), and
the successful series  (1999-2007),

      

of the island’s identity, intimately linked to the
concept of  and, therefore, under-
stood as the binder of the island’s own culture.
The presence of violence in the Sicilian imag-
inary is not only present in cinema and liter-
ature but even long before it was recognized
as a feature of its own. Already in the famous
play , by Giuseppe Rizzotto
and Gaspare Mosca, written in 1863, a world
  
of Palermo is described, albeit under a positive
connotation (Cannizzaro, 2019).
In 1890, Pietro Mascagni’s opera -
, based on Giovanni Verga’s novel of the
same name, depicts southern Italy as a land of
      
their wives, with archaic traditions and trapped
by primitive feelings and passions. These ele-
-
sions of other Verga novels, such as 
 (Giuseppe Sterni 1917, Gennaro
      
 (plot of Luchino Viscontis  -
, 1948) and the 1886 theatrical text,
   
in 1953. Finally, it is necessary to recall the in-
terest of the seventh art in the literary work of
Leonardo Sciascia, who denounced the collu-
        
 (1961),  (1966)
and   (1971). All of them were made
-
tri (1967) and Francesco Rosi (1976). The latter
changed the title to  (1976).
Unlike the previous texts, the latter aims to un-
derline the national and international dimen-
sion
1
of this powerful criminal organization, as
it happened in his   (1962), 
  (1972), and (1973)
     (1990).
He is an author linked to the cinematic sensi-
-
ry and its form of construction (Stefani, 2019).
On his last trip to Sicily, he combines a linear
narrative structure in an attempt to respect the
construction of the original story, the starting

    
who had already garnered some recognition in

ambassador in the diplomatic corps, grew up
in the interwar period, surrounded by diverse
European cultures. She lived in Prague, in the
former Czechoslovakia, and in Rome, at the
French embassy of the Vatican.
However, his stay in Sicily and the fascination
he felt for Palermo would mark his future and
his intention to capture his experiences in
a story. There, on the island, he lived intense
situations that would remain imprinted for life
in his memory and nourish his work’s content.
 (1962, directed by Lattuada
and written by Azcona and Ferreri) already illustrated the

the comedian Alberto Sordi as the protagonist diluted the
initial critical intention.
107107
Ludovico Longhi, Ezequiel Ramon Pinat
Near the old Vucciria market, located in the his-
toric center of the Sicilian capital, he witnessed
     
a reputable American citizen with native roots

The geographical context of the author’s origin
and the story’s protagonist ensure its interna-
tional dimension. Rosi maintained that Naples,
his city of origin, and Palermo were the focus
of the same disease, a criminal virus that af-
fected Italy and, consequently, the rest of the
planet. These assertions were made during an
exchange with spectators after the screening of
 (1963), in a colloquium where
-
ments on Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsell-

the Sicilian capital (Marrone, 2022).
 OUBLIER PALERME, THE

The novel written by Charles-Roux still pre-
serves, after more than half a century, the at-
mosphere of the land annexed to the Italian
peninsula and the chromatic range that nour-
ishes it and gives it life. The story’s protagonist
is a skilled New York politician, a second-gener-
ation immigrant who doesn’t even babble Ital-
ian. Like many Brooklyn natives, he had never
even gotten to know the land of his ancestors.
Finally, he is given a chance on his honeymoon
when he and his new bride decide to go to Sicily

cultural roots. There, he reconciles his past with
that of his parents while at the same time dis-
covering a new and obscure facet of his per-
sonality.
The story  won the prestigious
Goncourt Literary Prize in 1966, which led to

big screen. Luchino Visconti was one of them,

adapting it, citing an excess of narrative mate-
rial in the manuscript’s pages. Empowered, his
disciple Francesco Rosi perceives it as a stimu-
-
tions before knowing the book, capturing a sto-
ry about a character of Sicilian origin who visits

A character is suddenly confronted
with his cultural origins. I had been
thinking about this topic for some time
and knew about the novel’s existence.
-
thor adopted a perspective exactly like
mine (Rosi-en-Ciment, 2008, p. 185)
Rosi meets Edmonde Charles-Roux during the
shooting of  (1984), which has loca-
tions in Marseille, as she lives with her partner
in that Mediterranean town. The Neapolitan
director confesses his intention to use only
the last hundred pages of the monograph for
length reasons. He considered that the whole
book was long enough to edit several chapters.
Rosi argues the need to update the collective
imaginary and defends that in the last decades,
the mechanisms of power of the system have
changed radically. On the one hand, it becomes
a free adaptation of Edmond Charles-Roux’s
novel, with echoes of  (1976),

evolving into a metaphysical allegory (Crowdus,
1994).
108108
The perennial commitment of Francesco Rosi in his most contemporary cinema,
through his work Dimenticare Palermo (The Palermo connection)
Since the accidental shooting of Visconti’s 
  (1948), Rosi has visited Paler-
mo assiduously. First with  
(1962) and later with  (1973), he
has considered the evolution of the sizeable
clandestine structure of tobacco cigarettes
-
id exchange between America and Italy, in the

political power worthy of Lucky Luciano him-
self. On the other hand, the director has never
abandoned his interest in revisiting the issues
       
 (1978), where there was
a favorable ideological context.

problems of the Lucan territory in the 1930s
rather than portraying the present because the
      
-

north, such as the uncertain future that await-
ed young people. In the 1970s, many of them,
children of peasants from all parts of the coun-
try who managed to graduate from prestigious

peasant heritage and continuing their way of
life. Both the graduate degree and the working
conditions were unsatisfactory (Betella, 2010).
As in  (1976), Rosi delves into
the interplay between legal and illegal power


the time, the Italian Parliament was debating to
-


a subculture of violence. Rosi’s perspective
depicts the island as a labyrinthine landscape

In , he raises several unre-
solved questions about the tremendous dra-
matic disease of the South: the power game
trapped in hierarchies rooted in political pow-

activities. As far as public opinion is concerned,
while in the United States, a developing debate
on the decriminalization of narcotics was be-
ginning in the transalpine country, the issue
had not yet entered the political, media, or civil
agenda.
Rosi, for his part, in a colloquium with Edmonde
Charles-Roux, declared himself a fervent advo-
cate of legalization. He advocated a regulated
supply by the state where, in a controlled man-
ner, those who signed up on a pre-established
list of consumers could be supplied with a cer-
tain amount of hallucinogens per month. The
primary motivation of the initiative consists in
counteracting the criminal business harming
the health of a community that is no longer
provincial or national but global. The French
writer, who also agreed with the proposal, was
delighted to cede the exploitation rights to her
novel.
The fascination was mutual and the synergy,
total, since Rosi appreciated Charles-Roux for
her sensitivity, quibbling, and courage: “Despite
many others who, if they could, would take me
to court, she agreed with me on the issue of
drug legalization. The drug addict is treated as
a sick person and not as a criminal” (Francesco
Rosi in Kezich, 2005). Both, without being na-
tives, lived in the same Sicily and drank from the
essence of that land during the same period,
between two and three generations.
109109
Ludovico Longhi, Ezequiel Ramon Pinat
 


Since his debut with  (1958), Francesco
Rosi has been making a cinema strongly linked
to reality, except for only two detours: one fabu-
listic (, 1967) and the other oper-
-
raphy undoubtedly privileges the relationship
between cinema and politics (Stefani, 2019).
But, in this case, he wants to broaden the hori-
zon of a small group of bandits that grows in
age and size until it expands its tentacles in the

Carmine Bonavia, who aspires to be mayor of
New York. The plot revolves around him, mak-
ing it necessary to move physically and narra-
tively to the city that never sleeps. For this pur-
pose, Gore Vidal was hired as co-writer.
The writer had been politically active in the
Democratic Party in the Big Apple and shared
his residence between the American capital

the Palermitan cultural imprinting, he turned to
Tonino Guerra, a screenwriter sensitive to poet-
ically perceiving the melancholic vein of urban
spaces. His pen recreates an image of the city
as a superimposition of voices and characters,
foreshortenings of locations through plausible
portraits free of folkloric colorism:
Scattered fragments of unreachable
truths, a surprising way of facing im-
penetrability, the stainless lying word
-
      
darkness of a corpse that needs to be
interpreted and deciphered as a text,

the subtlety of law, of the sentence as

history is inevitable, like a car incident,
where the same geographical nature
provokes history. (Andò, 1991, p. 161)

interview him, becomes the catalyst of these
two intimate reactions. Characterized by a
young and radical personality, not by chance,
played by Carolina Rosi, the director’s daughter,
she asks him to make a genuine mutation of
the political situation. Under typical behavior of
a young age, she asks for a total and sudden
change. The correspondent provokes him to
analyze and externalize his state of mind and
to face his most profound aspirations. She in-
dicates the absolute; she wants no concessions
and no grayscale. Bonavía understands that

new generation.
Rosi also employed the resource of the pro-

in the metaphysical thriller  
(1976) mentioned above. In the director’s own
        
of a detective who gradually loses his trust in
state institutions (Marrone, 2022). In -
, the same Democratic candidate
understands that the citizens of the future will
not want a welfare state. They will not need an
administration that, on the one hand, opens

operates in collusion with the big drug dealers.
-
ify the political line: thanks to a timely survey,
he obtains absolute leadership in the electoral
polls. Another meditation forces him to pro-
      
into the past in a land devastated by the vio-
lence of the few and the misery of the many. It
110110
The perennial commitment of Francesco Rosi in his most contemporary cinema,
through his work Dimenticare Palermo (The Palermo connection)
is a place that his parents have wanted to forget
as unworthy, as a violator of historical, cultural,
and scenic beauty. Breaking the pact proposed
in the title and remembering Palermo means
opening dangerous memory archives:
Archives in ruins, where the betrayal
of memories takes place, where civili-
zation commits suicide, where devas-
tation and violence acquire an even
sensual nuance, an eroticism that
many sensitive locals confess (with
annoyance and shame) to have tast-
ed. Archives are where traces of slow
and criminal cancellation are accom-
plished, and human intelligence is
regularly ridiculed. Archives as a pro-
     -
uments on which the sense of human

p. 161)
Remembering Palermo means undergoing
small but constant mutations. He becomes


He is the victim of a hidden power that deter-
mines his mental itinerary, a helpless and in-
defensible hostage of a powerful criminal will.
He is always more disturbed by Medusa’s fas-
cination with the Sicilian mysteries, to which he
feels an ancestral bond.
Finally, he is forced to forget all the new routes.
As the visible face of criminal power enigmat-
ically predicts, one must remember Palermo
and then forget Palermo to survive Palermo. All
     
and, mainly, the political line proposed by Rosi’s
character, with plot and opinion twists, did not

leader, Bettino Craxi, at the time, had present-
ed a bill that dictated the imprisonment of drug
addicts, and the entire press close to the gov-
-

-
lli, who was the head of Craxi’s press
      
three pages long, asking me if I wanted
to confront the leadership of the party.
I answered him with arguments that
he knew better than me (...) I resigned
from the PSI National Assembly, which
did not decide anything, had no deci-
sion-making power, and never met. I
have always felt closer to the socialist
party, but I must admit that (excluding
-
lenti), I have always had excellent rela-
tions with the communist party. (Rosi,
2012, p. 416)

RAIDUE


         
     
in the circles of Rai, the Italian national public
radio and television network which, before the
private competition, was already blatantly polit-
icized:  belonged to the Christian Dem-
ocrat orbit,  to the Socialist and to
the Communist one. On the occasion of the


    

was chosen to narrate his hometown, Naples.
111111
Ludovico Longhi, Ezequiel Ramon Pinat
His declared intellectual closeness to socialist
ideals aroused the sympathies of the Italian So-
cialist Party and, consequently, of  man-
agement. The productive management of the
national television channel, reinforced by the
success of the above-mentioned tourist-docu-
     
-
sition of Edmonde Charles-Roux’s novel. After
the six-handed rewriting (those of Rosi, Vidal,
and Guerra, as mentioned above), the plot as-
sumed the value of the protagonist’s double

the realization of the great responsibility he ac-
quired once he became mayor of New York; on
the other, the necessary transparency of con-
science that necessarily involved the recovery
of his origins. Both paths led to counteracting
the perverse and criminal drug trade with the

opposite line to the positions of the socialists.

passed into the hands of the administration of
the ‘communistRaitre. The delay made hiring
an Italian-American actor of the caliber of Rob-
ert De Niro, Al Pacino, or Joe Mantegna impos-



Gori, famous for his remarkable ability to hire
      
    
in the comedy of manners genre (hence his skill
with actors), accepted the proposal enthusias-
tically since he had been trying to international-
ize and diversify his production for a few years,

2
. Cecchi
Gori considered the protagonist of 
2 He had produced, for example, Damiano Damiani’s polit-
(1971), -
 (1974), Goodbye & Amen(1977),
 unsuitable for the role (P. Shrader, 1980)
and proposed James Belushi, an actor who had
   
story of espionage linked to international drug

of the novel, enthusiastically agreed. In addi-
tion, Rosi was very positive about his Albanian
origin, which is culturally very close to southern
Italy:
Jimmy is a great actor. Very intuitive.

when I found out that he really want-
-
tacted him. He comes from Albania, a
country very close to Puglia. His father,
like Bonavia’s father, was a restaurant
owner in Chicago, and since he was a
child, he had learned, by living there,
what it means to live in a small ethnic
community. Before starting the shoot-
ing, I asked him to come with me to Sic-
ily. (Ciment, 2008, p. 188)
Accustomed to working with actors whose
    -
tion match those of his characters, Rosi accom-
panied Belushi to Sicily. They went to Portella
della Ginestra (site of the massacre perpetrat-
ed by the bandit Salvatore Giuliano) and to the
-
ican actor was able to dialogue with his heirs of
his former compatriots: Belushi literally imbibed
the . He began to share an attractive
discovery of belonging to the group with his
character. Rosi managed to turn Belushi into
Carmine Bonavia himself. He was opaque, like
a particular political class, but with a presence
that bears the stigmata of his ethnicity, a body
that perfectly narrates the story of his past

112112
The perennial commitment of Francesco Rosi in his most contemporary cinema,
through his work Dimenticare Palermo (The Palermo connection)
accepts the idea that the culture of violence is
      
mayoralty of New York, does not renounce the
use of more or less debatable trickery:
Rosi has not transformed his main
character into an ideal paladin or, for
that matter, a nice man. James Belushi
does not have a friendly face. Bonavia
is ductile, skillful, and telegenic but not
uncorrupted. His return to Palermo
on the occasion of the wedding forces
him to reveal a secret part of himself.
In him are awakened impulses that his
birth in the United States (his father

-
ed. (Bolzoni, 1992, p. 107-108)
At the same time, Rosi did the opposite work
with Mimi Rogers, an actress who had recently
achieved global success with  
(Michael Cimino, 1990). He kept the future in-
terpreter of Mrs. Bonavia totally isolated from
      
contemplated in the novel, is an independent
and complicit companion simultaneously: in-
       -
band’s political action but strategically willing
to understand the compromise when the sit-
uation requires it. Her understanding of her
     
of hope within the dark pessimism of the epi-
logue. It is a tragic conclusion hinted at by Vitto-
rio Gassman’s surprisingly melancholy cameo:

    -
demned not to show himself, under
penalty of death, outside the doors
of a luxurious hotel. He will spend the
rest of his days there, in halls and gar-
dens where kings and celebrities have
-
most surreal taste that, in other hands,
would have fallen into the sketch.
Gassman, guided by Rosi, makes him
-
ume, a key to solving the thriller that
sustains the moral concerns that con-
-
zoni, 1992, p. 108)
In this way, the prince’s character, in homage
to   (Luchino Visconti, 1963), rep-
resents the longevity of a criminal power that
constantly changes its appearance to continue
committing crimes with impunity. Only at the
end does the face of power appear: the impen-
etrable mask of Joss Ackland. It is the decisive
encounter between Sicilian and Sicilian: the ul-

into the deepest darkness of his Sicilian roots,
into the relentless darkness of power. Faced
with this threshold, this abyss of conscience,
the protagonist is forced to decide whether or


but of a solid inner acquisition.
113113
Ludovico Longhi, Ezequiel Ramon Pinat

In the same way that Leonardo Sciascia’s novel
  was the origin of  
(1976), and Carlo Levi’s memoir  

same name, the Edmonde above Charles-
Roux’s  (1966) inspired the plot
-
cesco Rosi acknowledged, this book could not

themes he has been dealing with since 1960 in
his successive attempts to depict southern Italy
in cinema (Esteve, 2001).
However, the greater complexity of the writer’s
pages, mainly originating from her own expe-
riences as an ambassador’s daughter, dictated
a more linear exposition of events. The inter-
national cast, coming from big commercial suc-
cesses of the old Cecchi Gori’s hand, brought a
representation closer to the thriller. However,
       
denounce the contemporary social situation in
southern Italy. Still, he had to assume narrative
    

These norms allow him to underline
the collusion between the criminality
of the overt executors and the hid-
den political principals. In other words,
even if, by hypothesis, everything that
Rosi denounces in Salvatore Giuliano,
The Hands on the City, or Dimenticare

would still be masterful examples of

The harshness of the attacks made by many
specialized critics or, even worse, the absolute
-

-
doned its duty of testimony “by inertia or con-
fusion of ideas” (Argenteri, 1989). Rosi adopt-
ed the rough and coarse features of the crime
thriller to investigate uncomfortable and cen-
sored issues. His return to Palermo concluded
a particular line of research on the hidden and

with the constituted order in  -
 (1962), the industrialization of its families in
 (1973), the mysterious fatal inci-
dent of an enlightened industrialist who does
not yield to the blackmail of the international
oil cartel in  (1972), the strategy of
tension that defuses reformist drives in -


globalization.
       
investigation that set out to denounce the clan-
destine drug market, spread everywhere, and
-
sive measures. The insinuation of a personal
proposal, under the forms of legalization and
not liberalization, aroused panic among mor-
alists and the hatred of conniving politics. The
historian Francesco Bolzoni recalls that, with
-
ing to a committed cinema. A personal line that
ignores fashions is insensitive to easy infatua-
tions and that, above all, recovers the strength
of Hollywood expressive conventions (1992).
Consequently, the respect for a narrative con-
-

of focusing on the tragic plot reference rather
than the enunciative construction: the impor-
tance of the rebuke rather than the aesthetics.
    -
       
only when he considers it unavoidable when
the need arises to investigate the dynamics of

114114
The perennial commitment of Francesco Rosi in his most contemporary cinema,
through his work Dimenticare Palermo (The Palermo connection)
      -
ployed to counteract it is incomprehensible
and, once the governmental collusion with the
merchants of death is implied, to arouse de-
-
priate solution.
His authorial legacy required him to coordinate
all the expressive elements regarding commu-
    
help allowed Rosi to count on the wide Kodak
chromatic range. His inseparable cinematog-
rapher experimented with this new emulsion,
which was much more sensitive and allowed
him to shoot in real locations without needing a
lot of light. It allowed him to obtain a morbid to-

to open the diaphragm excessively. The versa-
tility of the impressionable support made pos-
      
more contrasting colors of New York and the
softer and more subdued colors of Palermo.
The strong contrast between the pragmatic
time of the Big Apple and its fast-paced mod-
ern life, embodied in the dizzying election
campaign, marriage, and interviews, with the
interior, slow, and almost motionless time of
Palermo, was represented chromatically. The
same duplicity was expressed in musical terms,
which Rosi had entrusted to Ennio Morricone.
Concerning the spirit of the original story, the
Maestro worked on two distinct themes. The
-
bra equation linked to the idea of criminal pow-
er, extended to an economic and international
political dimension. The second was sweet and

of memory and nostalgia.
The abandonment of the author’s modern and
‘Brechtian’ look could have been interpreted as
a cession to ensure commercial success. On
the contrary, they have been somewhat nec-
   -
     
The strong contrasts of this genre and its dry
-
formation. Because, as Bolzoni (1992) reminds
us, all cinema, not only minor cinema, lives by
conventions.
115115
Ludovico Longhi, Ezequiel Ramon Pinat
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tural Voyages. En A. Baracco y M. Gieri (Eds.) 
 Springer Nature. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-
3-031-13573-6_4
Masi, S. (2006). Francesco Rosi. En G. Brunetta (Ed.) 
 (pp. 218-221). Einaudi.
Rosi, F. (2012). -
 Milano: Mondadori.
Rosi, F. (1976).  Italia and Francia: Produzioni Europee Asso-
ciate (PEA) y Les Productions Artistes Associés.
-
visualizzazione in Le mani sulla città (1963) e Lucky Luciano
(1973).  (2), 171-190, https://doi.org/10.1080/02614
340.2019.1589275
116116
The perennial commitment of Francesco Rosi in his most contemporary cinema,
through his work Dimenticare Palermo (The Palermo connection)
Universitat de Vic - Universitat Central de Catalunya
Universidad del Azuay
117
6




ARTICLE

PhD in Communication with International mention (University of Huelva). Master in Informa-

Master in Communication and Education on the Net (UNED). Graduate in Teaching in Primary
Education with mention in foreign languages, English (UCJC). Diploma in Early Childhood Edu-
cation (UCLM). Member of the Euroamerican Interuniversity Research Network Alfamed. Her
lines of research focus on transmedia narrative and educational television, as well as the use of
narrative in social networks, all focused on the adolescent and youth population.
aurora.forteza@unir.net
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9680-5927
RECEIVED: 2023-08-24 / ACCEPTED: 2024-01-24

OBRA DIGITAL, 25, June 2024, pp. 117-132, e-ISSN 2014-5039
DOI: https://doi.org/10.25029/od.2024.396.25
Abstract:
Series are one of the formats most consumed
by young people. Thanks to them, teachings
are transmitted through the content shown.
          -
tionship between philosophy and the daily life
of teenagers in the series A qualitative
methodology has been chosen through an
analysis of content and characters. The results
show how philosophy is brought closer to teen-
agers through the issues that interest them.
It is concluded that educational series have a
great didactic value for the audience.
 Series, television, education, phi-
losophy, teenagers

Las series son uno de los formatos más con-
       
transmiten enseñanzas con los contenidos

-
aria de los adolescentes en la serie Se ha
elegido una metodología cualitativa a través de

-
118118
Teaching of Philosophy through television series: a case study of Merlí
sofía a los adolescentes a través de los asuntos
que a estos les interesa. Se concluye que las
series educativas tienen un gran valor didáctico
para la audiencia.

Recently, audience habits have altered due to,
among other things, the arrival of the Internet
(Forteza-Martínez et al., 2021). Television series
have become one of the most preferred for-
mats among viewers’ preferences. They have
gained importance in recent years in enter-
tainment (Moreno-Mínguez & Rodríguez-Julián,
    

    -
tion that are imitated and tend to foster and
further entrench stereotypical representations”
(p.236).

through the stories told in them. According to
Vasallo-de-López (2008), television series be-
come an element that “preserves, constructs
and reconstructs a common census of every-
-
ence the development of the audience’s per-
sonality through their behavior or approval of
the contents shown (Chicharro-Merayo, 2011).
It has been found that, in recent times, there
has been an increase in the number of studies
linked to television series, either from an analy-
sis based on entertainment (Álvarez-Rodríguez,
2021), related to culture and media (López-Ro-
dríguez & Raya-Bravo, 2019), as well as discur-
sive and audiovisual elements (Masanet & Fed-
ele, 2019; Barra & Scaglionni, 2020; Castro &


Among the genres of television series, the most
popular with the youth population are those
known as teen TV series, which have some pe-
culiar characteristics that facilitate their clas-
     -
     
of series are characterized by the fact that the
actors are usually teenagers, and the audience
that watches them is generally young (Davis &
Dickinson, 2004; Ross & Stein, 2008).
According to several studies, the stories told in
these series revolve around two environments:
the family and the educational environment.
      
in the scenes (García-Muñoz & Fedele, 2011;
Lacalle, 2013). In this sense, great importance
is given to plots centered on social elements,
such as relationships with their peers (Lacalle,
2013), as well as those stories that focus on

adults, or the control of their feelings, among
others (Falcón & Díaz-Aguado, 2014).
Among other themes in these series, those
linked to self-concept, character, and personal-
ity development stand out (Falcón & Díaz-Agua-
do, 2014). Likewise, the representation of roles
and stereotypes associated with gender (Si-
gnorielli, 2007; García-Muñoz & Fedele, 2011;
Masanet & Aran-Ramspott, 2016), as well as the
elimination of barriers imposed by being male
or female (Raya-Bravo et al., 2019; Masanet &
Fedele, 2019; Mateos-Pérez, 2021). It is import-
ant to highlight those that analyze the creation
of identities (Padilla-Castillo & Sosa-Sánchez,
 series, televisión educación,

119119
Aurora Forteza Martínez
2018) or didactic topics (Forteza-Martínez &
Conde, 2021; Forteza-Martínez, 2023).
Generally speaking, the actors who play these
-
liarities. As Lacalle (2013) expresses, the pecu-
liarities are about being “young, attractive and
fashionably dressed, belonging to a uniform
middle and upper-middle class” (p.30). More-
over, teen TV series usually feature stories
    
these are seen as true platonic love, where the
protagonists experience them as if they were
love for life (Masanet & Aran-Ramspott, 2016).
Among the series for adolescents, Merlí stands
out, which has achieved excellent audience
success. As a consequence, numerous types
of research have been conducted around it,
where elements such as its discursive elements
(Martínez-Pérez, 2020), aspects linked to sex ed-
ucation (Alcalá-Angiano et al., 2018) or freedom
of thought and expression (Pascoal & Novaes,
2019) have been studied. In addition, the series
has been analyzed from an educational point
of view (Leduc & Acosta, 2017; Cambra-Badii &
Mastandrea, 2020), as well as the importance
given by young people to philosophy as a re-
sult of watching the series (Martínez-Cantos &
Rodó-de-Zárate, 2020).
This research focuses on the characters and
      
shows the daily life of adolescents in an educa-

at this stage of life and their possible solutions
    

genre and consists of three seasons and 40
episodes, averaging 50 minutes per episode.
It was created by Héctor Lozano, directed by
Eduard Cortés, produced by Veranda TV, and
broadcast on TV3 between 2015 and 2018. It
can be seen on the RTVE Play website and the
Prime Video platform.
To this end, the following research question is
posed as a starting point: How does philosophy
relate to the everyday problems of young peo-
ple?

       
know the relationship between philosophy and
the daily life of adolescents in the series . In

the characters that appear in the series and 2)
to identify the teachings of  and their link

The entire series has been visualized to form
the corpus of this study, allowing for a com-
plete manual analysis of its themes and char-
acters. In addition, an extensive and updated
bibliographic review was carried out to lay the
theoretical foundations for the study. For the
     
researcher’s criterion was considered based
on analysis matrices already elaborated in pre-
vious studies.
A qualitative methodology with quantitative
-
tives proposed in this research. A content anal-
ysis has been developed since this study meets
the criteria established by Igartúa-Perosanz
     
of messages (whatever their nature), to under-
stand their genesis and formation process, and
to obtain precise descriptions of their structure
and components” (p.180).
On the other hand, the characters will be ana-
lyzed by counting all the characters appearing
in the series. The following elements are stud-
ied (Table 1).
120120
Teaching of Philosophy through television series: a case study of Merlí
Type of character Teachers/Students/Family/
Others
Gender Male/Female/Other
Nationality Spanish/Other
Age Adolescent/Adult/Late Adult-
hood
Sexual orientation Heterosexual/Homosexual/

Academic back-
ground
No studies/High school Ed./
University/University/ Not

Table 1

Figure 1



   
According to Koeman . (2007), when study-
ing a character, they must appear in the scene
and have a dialogue with other characters.
The analysis of the characters is seen as an
essential element in constructing the stories
shown in the series. The characters come to
      

says that:
Characterizing characters in television
series requires a deep and detailed
elaboration, focusing on their past and
motivations to explain the actions that
will take place during the narrative evo-
lution of the story. (p.65)
In addition, a narrative analysis (Fisher, 1985)
was conducted to study the discursive ele-
ments of the series through characters, plot,
narrative structure, and themes. Every chapter
was visualized and reviewed independently,
and the data were analyzed in a way that could
      
Marradi (2018).

The results are structured around two main
blocks: 1) characters and 2) themes.

In the series  the characters are stable
throughout the three seasons, as they are
maintained throughout the series, although
there are some additions and departures. It

function; that is, he or she is a teacher and a

are 32 characters; in the second, 37; and in

(Graph 1).

a greater presence within a series, there are 10

second (30.55%) and third seasons (26.82%).


women (45.17%). Concerning age, 10 are ado-
lescents (32.25%), with ages between 17 and 19
years; 19 are in the age range of 30 to 55 years,
which is considered adulthood (61.29%); and
2 are over 60 years old, which places them in
late adulthood (6.46%). It is also observed that
all the characters are of Spanish origin since no
individuals of other nationalities exist.
121121
Aurora Forteza Martínez










In the second season, 20 are men (52.63%) and
18 are women (47.37%). In terms of age, 11 are
adolescents (28.94%), 25 are in the adult age
        
of age (2.64%), and one is in late adulthood
(2.64%). Regarding the nationality of the char-
acters, 37 are Spanish (97.36%), and 1 is a girl
of Ukrainian origin (2.64%).

-
ing attention to age, 11 are teenagers (26.82%),
28 are in the adult age range (68.29%), 1 is a

65 years old (2.44%). Regarding the nationality
of the characters, 40 are Spanish (97.56%), and
1 is a Ukrainian girl (2.44%).
   
seen how, in all three seasons, heterosexual
     
where this group is shown the most (83.87% in

and 67.44% in the third season). About homo-
sexuality, it is observed how it is also represent-
ed in the series. This group is more represent-

in the second, and 7.14% in the third season).
Finally, bisexuality is also a group that is also re-

same character in the three seasons (3.22% in

third season) (Graph 2).
In terms of academic background, characters
  
in all three seasons. They are more represent-
       
47.36% in the second, and 33.33% in the third
season). Those in Secondary Education or who
have already completed these studies are the
-
son is the most representative (41.93% in the

28.57% in the third season). The group with no
studies is the third group, with the highest rep-
resentation in the third season (9.67% in the

third season) (Graph 3).

Figure 2

Figure 3




philosophers, each associated with various as-
pects and problems concerning adolescents
(Table 2).
122122
Teaching of Philosophy through television series: a case study of Merlí
Table 2

-
son
-
ter
Title


1 1 Peripatetics
Ability to

1 2
Plato
Platonic love;
reality
1 3
Machiavelli
Success in life;
State Power
1 4 Aristotle Happiness
1 5
Socrates
Questioning
things; distrust
1 6
Sohapen-
hauer

1 7
Focault Normality
1 8
Guy Debord
Exposure on the
networks; enter-
tainment
1 9
Epicurus
Money; hedo-
nism
1 10
The skeptics Epogeo
1 11
The sophists
Education and
work
1 12
Hume Perceptions
1 13
Nietzsche
Death; following
rules
2 1
The Presoc-
ratics
The principle of
everything; ques-
tioning things
2 2
Thomas
Hobbes
Demagogy;
chaos
2 3
The Stoics Lack of passion
2 4
Kant Lies
2 5
Hipparchy

austerity
2 6
Montaigne Truth
2 7
Judith Butler Sexual freedom
2 8
Freud The unconscious
2 9
Descartes Existence; doubt
2 10
Engels
Money; love;
family
2 11
Zizek Love
2 12
Taoism Life
2 13
Boecio Freedom
3 1
-

History; interpre-
tation of facts
3 2
Adam Smith Success
3 3
Albert Camus
Suicide; the
meaning of life
3 4
Karl Marx
Capitalist society;
consumption;
money
3 5
Hannah Ar-
endt
Forgiveness
3 6
Kierkegaard Making decisions
3 7
Thoreau
Civil disobedi-
ence
3 8
Plotino
Beauty; knowing
oneself
3 9
Zygmunt Bau-
man
Uncertainty;
decision making;
liquid reality
3 10
Heidegger
Death; future
plans
3 11
Hegel
Dialectics to
reach knowledge
3 12
Saint Agustin Passing of time
3 13
The peripatet-
ics of the 21st
century
Future; studies;
university
3 14
Merlí
Bergerón
Death; friend-
ship

123123
Aurora Forteza Martínez
-
troduced, such as whether parents are right to
instill ideas in their children, thinking it is best
for them. Therefore, they are encouraged to
distrust everything that comes before them.
     
discussed.
Merlí: According to Schopenhauer,
man is a disgusting creature. To de-
sire the immortality of man is to desire
the perpetuation of a great error. How
can it be that man is corrupt, a tortur-
er, and a murderer that he organizes
wars and genocides? (...) According to
Schopenhauer, animals are not cruel;
for man, they are because you have to
be intelligent to want to harm. (...) For
Schopenhauer, the only way to com-
bat desire was to opt for nothingness.
Nothingness is emptiness, the absence
of desire. For him, it was the only way

 (TV3: October 19, 2015). Season 1. Chap-
ter 6: Schopenhauer

to the society of the entertainment industry,
such as social networks.
Merlí: His name is Guy Debord. Ac-
cording to him, ours is a model of so-
ciety that has turned people’s lives into
a spectacle. For this thinker, who did
not know social networks, we live on a
kind of global screen where everyone
wants to be visible at any price. In oth-
er words, if you don’t show yourself,
you don’t exist (...) According to Guy
Debord, man becomes a spectator of

on any screen. But he also becomes a
      
are transmitted, where the meaning of love is
explained. They are made to see that love is the
impulse that leads to the knowledge of beauty,
which makes it possible to distinguish between
the sensible world and the world of ideas. On
the other hand, Plato’s myth of the cave urg-
es one to look beyond the cave to understand
what is happening around each person.
Machiavelli conveys the idea of success in life
and the power of the state in people’s lives.
Merlí: Machiavelli tells it like it is: that
force is force, violence is violence, and
lies are lies, and that there is no need
to disguise it with nice ideals.

necessary to disguise it?
     -
fends evil to save the State. Tell me,
Gerard.
Gerard: There’s something that doesn’t

to save a State that can harm its citi-
-

Merlí: That is the most intelligent re-

to me.
Merlí (TV3: September 28, 2015). Sea-
son 1. Chapter 3: Machiavelli
The theme of happiness is introduced with Ar-
istotle. It is explained that without friendship,
eudaimonia, i.e., happiness, is not possible, al-
though achieving it has become an obsession
for society. This is considered a right for them,
although it is at the end of life when one can
take stock of whether one has been happy.
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Teaching of Philosophy through television series: a case study of Merlí
passive being, incapable of making de-
cisions, incapable of living his own life.
 (TV3: November 2, 2015). Season 1. Chap-
ter 8: Guy Debord
      
is living for and to achieve pleasure and mon-
ey. He explains it with the term ataraxia, which
means the absence of any disturbance. Howev-
-
piness without money. On the other hand, with
the skeptics, the apogee is exposed.
    -
ment, to be attentive to the things
that happen, but not to pronounce
on reality (...). The skeptics aspired to
nothing more than silence so as not to
have to separate themselves from the
reality of the things that happen. They
limit themselves to observe them. The
skeptic looks carefully, examines, con-
siders the facts, and remains silent. He

Merlí (TV3: 9 November 9, 2015). Season 1.
Chapter 9: Epicurus
-
ucation and work is exposed, dealing with the



On the other hand, perceptions and feelings
are taught through Hume, which shows that
the reception of a habit does not explain the
truth of things since it is necessary to base
knowledge on experience.
Through Nietzsche, the theme of death and
God is presented.
Merli: Nietzsche speaks of death, spe-
       
that we have all killed him because
we men do not need him to live. Until
now, we have lived under the shadow
of a protective father who has told us
how we should behave. He has made
us feel guilty when we have not done
things right, but now we can break
away from this father; we can build
new values that have nothing to do
with the idea of God.
Merlí (TV3: December 7, 2015). Season 1. Chap-
ter 13: Nietzsche
      -
couraged to question the origin of things and
not to conform to what the rules dictate, asking
what the main element that makes things the
way they are, known as argé, the principle of
everything that surrounds people. To work on
demagogy and chaos, Hobbes is studied, who
explains that man is usually a wolf for the man
        
Therefore, a government capable of organizing
and ensuring the security and order of society
is required.
The Stoics discussed the world of passions
since they spoke of apatheia, which is the ab-
sence of any kind of passion. They let them-
selves be led only by reason to overcome de-


any circumstances, even when one believes it is

the physical integrity of any person.

are discussed:
125125
Aurora Forteza Martínez
Merlí: Hipparchy led a life far away
from her loved ones. She believed that
to reach happiness, we had to elimi-

From the most absolute austerity, she

(...) For her, happiness did not consist
of living following the crowd. In the cyn-

     
who we really are. (...) Hipparchy only
wore four rags and had a very simple
law: to satisfy only the most elementa-
ry needs.
Merlí (TV3: October 17, 2016). Season 2. Chap-
ter 5: Hipparchy
Truth is also discussed with Mointagne through
the term aretheia, which refers to everything
that is shown to people as they are. There, truth
is beyond contradiction since it exists by itself.
Upon the arrival of a transgender teacher, the
topic of sexual freedom is discussed with the
philosopher Judith Butler.
Merlí: Judith Butler, one of the great
feminist theorists of the queer mo-
ment. According to her theory, our
sex, that is, that which supposedly de-

more than a social construction. The
fact of being a man or a woman is not
determined by our birth, but instead,

learned to be men or women in a cul-
tural and educational context that has
heterosexuality as the norm. Anything
outside this norm is excluded. (....). She
argues that we do not necessarily have
to perceive ourselves as men or wom-
en; that is, in the same way we con-
struct gender, we can also deconstruct
it by going beyond its limitations.
Merlí (TV3: 31 de octubre de 2016). Season 2.
Chapter 7: Judith Butler
Thanks to Freud, the unconscious and its con-
sequences on the actions of human beings are
explained. The unconscious is shown as that
which forces us to do inexplicable things or to
have feelings that we do not know very well why
we feel them. Likewise, Descartes presents as-
pects such as existence and doubt:
Merli: Descartes, unlike other thinkers, does
not begin by establishing truths about how
the world is and, what the human being is, and
what the soul is. He wonders how we can arrive
at a truth we can be entirely sure about.
Merlí (TV3: November 14 2016). Season 2.
Chapter 9: Descartes
A relationship between money, love, and fam-
ily is established through two phrases by the
philosopher Engels: “In the history of mankind,
there are two great businesses: the business of
having money and the business of making love”
and “The family is an instrument of the ideolog-
ical apparatus of the State”. Love is analyzed
with Zyzek, explaining that in any love relation-
ship, it is essential to love the person with their
imperfections and accept them with all their
defects. Taoism explains life and the risks it en-
tails, where the art of living is more like sailing
than war, and taking risks is necessary because,
without risk, there is no freedom.
On the other hand, happiness is introduced
with a phrase by Boethius: “If you want to be
happy, do not base your happiness on such
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Teaching of Philosophy through television series: a case study of Merlí
fragile foundations as those of luck.” It is made
clear that, for Boethius, there is the possibility
that people’s destiny is controlled by God. If this
is so, one comes to think that it automatically

Adam Smith discusses success and envy. He
expresses that, on most occasions, knowing
that a person succeeds in any aspect of his life
provokes society’s envy.
       -
posed as the fetishism of merchandise, it is
about capitalist society, consumption, and
money.
The conditions of production, where the hu-
man being is a simple instrument in a produc-
tion chain, are hidden.
Hannah Arendt questions the limits of forgive-
ness and whether anything, such as the Nazi
extermination, should be forgiven. According
to this philosopher, all those unwilling to think
cannot be forgiven, and there can be no for-
giveness without repentance. Kierkegaard ex-
plains decision-making since one is alone and
each one is responsible for his decisions, which
generates fear and anguish due to making
one’s own decisions.
As expressed by Plotinus, beauty is associated
with knowing oneself, which generates a de-

it is explained that it is necessary to understand
the two possibilities of beauty: that of the body
(sensible world) and that of the soul (intelligible
world).
Merlí: True beauty does not reside in
matter, in the body. Matter is gea, it
is evil. Plotinus says: “Turn your gaze
    
thought make the soul beautiful, for
-

slave of its own body”.
Merlí (TV3: November 13, 2017). Season 3.
Chapter 8: Plotinus
Thanks to Bauman, uncertainty and deci-
sion-making are also visible in the series. To-
day’s society is shown as precarious and chang-
ing very fast, where we are forced to make
decisions more and more quickly and rapidly.
At the same time, we have less capacity to make
-
ing sensible decisions is practically impossible.
Death, an aspect that makes the students un-
comfortable, is explained by Heidegger:

are condemned to die, but we behave
as if we did not know it. According to
Heidegger, we live in the mode of not
yet; I am so far from dying that I don’t
bother to think about it. And that is the
paradox. I know I will end, but that does
not prevent me from making plans for
the future (...). Heidegger distinguished
between two types of existence: what
he called authentic existence and in-

inauthentic existence is you, those of
you who make those faces when they
talk to you about death (...). The inau-
thentic non-existence is that of those
who live pending plans for the future
to try to deny that they will die. And
authentic existence is that of those
who know they will die, but that does
not prevent them from living. They can

provokes anguish is not death itself
but pretending that it does not exist.
127127
Aurora Forteza Martínez
Merlí (TV3: November 27, 2016). Season 3.
Chapter 10: Heidegger

knowledge, where the way to absolute knowl-
edge is explained. This concept is worked
through an association of knowledge. The mor-
als of the master and the slave are used, and
some people tend to exercise power while oth-

Finally, we work on the passage of time with
St. Augustine of Hipona. An hourglass is used
since it graphically represents the passage of
time. This term is complex for young people
-
opher said is an example: “If no one asks me
what time it is, I know it very well. But if they ask
me and I try to explain it, I do not know what to
say”. St. Augustine delimits it by saying that the
present is a point without extension between
two nothings: the past, which no longer exists,
and the future, which does not yet exist. For
this reason, time is associated with happiness

once we have them, we fear losing them.


Once the results have been presented, it can
-
posed for this study to know the relationship
between philosophy and the daily life of ado-


      
to study the characters that appear in the se-
ries, the philosophical teachings are carried
out through its protagonists thanks to the dia-
logues and debates that are generated among
them when they talk about a philosopher and
relate to some aspect that young people are
-
tive, to identify the teachings of Merlí and its link

how the series presents philosophical content
related to the problems and situations that can
arise in adolescents’ daily lives.
It has been possible to see how, through Mer-
lí, questions are posed that are of interest
      -
teos-Pérez (2021) stated when he explains that
the series poses “contents that seek authentic-
ity, stories, and characters linked to reality (and
that) use a youthful, reiterative, spontaneous

-
ries presents real situations that occur in so-
ciety. (Rincón, 2011; Martínez-Lucena & Cam-
bra-Badii, 2020).
As far as the characters are concerned, the
cast is stable throughout the series. Regarding
    


      -
ries, the most represented age range is that of
those between 30 and 55 years old, considered
to be of adult age; the most common nationality
is Spanish; the predominant sexual orientation

level of studies is that of university students.
-
     
weight of the interpretation falls on the young
protagonists. However, it is observed that in
the series, there is no great diversity among the
population analyzed, something already point-
ed out by López-de-Lara-Marín (2019), who ex-
plains that this series is a clear example of the
so-called white society.
128128
Teaching of Philosophy through television series: a case study of Merlí
Several investigations have been carried out
on the characters in television series for ado-
lescents, including those related to their sexual
orientation (Platero, 2008; Fellner, 2017; Cal-
vo-Anoro, 2017) and the roles and stereotypes

the words of Lacalle (2013), the young charac-
ter is shown as a young, good-looking person
who follows the dictates of fashion.
In Merlí, teachings related to the problems of
young people are developed, all linked to the
    
themes are platonic love, beauty, power, friend-
ship, happiness, mistrust, desire, questioning
    
money, education, work, perceptions and
feelings, death, God, questioning the origin of
things, demagogy, chaos, passions, lies, aus-
     
human actions, forgiveness, decision making,
fear, anguish, uncertainty, dialectics to arrive at
knowledge and the passage of time.
In addition, among the themes most often
shown in this series are the rebelliousness and
nonconformity of young people, uncertainty,
and opposition to parents and teachers. Anoth-
er strong theme relates to relationships, where
platonic love is shown based on myths, stereo-
types, and uncertainty about the future. This
shows how this series raises the need to think,

a communicative and respectful point of view
(Echegaray & Expósito, 2021). Educational cen-
ters are seen as spaces where the exchange of
ideas and dialogue is encouraged (Martignoni
& Giovine, 2020).
Television series for adolescents present a se-
ries of characteristics that identify them through
the stories they tell (Fedele & García-Muñoz,
2010). Likewise, these series are structured
around two large blocks: family and friends,
where the stories generated in a social con-
text stand out (Guarinós, 2009; García-Muñoz
& Fedele, 2011). There, themes related to love
and friendship prevail (Lacalle, 2013).
129129
Aurora Forteza Martínez

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Raya-Bravo, I., Sánchez-Labella, I., & Durán, V. (2018). La construcción de los
-
co. , 37, 131-143. https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-
1529.2018.48631

ciudadanizar, experimentar. , 18(36), 43-50. https://doi.
org/3916/C36-2011-02-04
Ross, S.M., & Stein, L.E. (2008). : -
 McFarland
Signorielli, N. (2007). How are children and adolescent portrayed on prime-
time television. En S. Mazzarella (Ed.), 
 (pp.167-178). Peter Lang
Vasallo-de-López, M.I. (2008). Televisiones y narraciones: las identidades cul-
turales en tiempos de globalización. (30), 35-41. https://
doi.org/10.3916/C30-2008-01-005

Bad: On new television series and the malaise in culture. 
, 32, 1-9. https://doi.org/10.1590/0103-6564e190130
133133
7
Las rutinas productivas de las Unidades de Cultura

creación de noticias sobre ciencia




ARTICLE
Universitat Jaume I Castellón
Degree in Information Sciences from the Complutense University of Madrid, Master’s in New
Trends and Innovation Processes in Communication, and PhD in Communication Sciences from
the Universitat Jaume I (UJI), Castellón. She is currently an associate professor at the UJI. Her

-


ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0318-574
RECEIVED: 2023-09-21 / ACCEPTED: 2024-02-23

OBRA DIGITAL, 25, June 2024, pp. 133 -148, e-ISSN 2014-5039
DOI: https://doi.org/10.25029/od.2024.387.25
Abstract
Most science in Spain is generated in universi-
ties and research centres and it is there where
      
(UCC+i) are created to promote science com-
munication. This article analyses the produc-

mixed technique based on a survey of UCC+i
professionals and interviews with experts in
science communication. The conclusions show
that their routines are similar to those of the

that they use the same channels to dissemi-
nate their research.

Divulgation, Science Communication, Science


La mayor parte de la ciencia en España se gen-
era en universidades y en centros de investi-
gación y es ahí donde se crean las Unidades

(Plan de Fomento de la Investigación 2023).
134134



para impulsar la comunicación de la ciencia.
Este artículo analiza las rutinas productivas de
estos agentes. Se ha recurrido a una técnica
mixta basada en una encuesta a profesionales
de las UCC+i y entrevistas a expertos en comu-
    

los gabinetes de comunicación de sus insti-
tuciones y utilizan los mismos canales para di-
fundir sus investigaciones.

   -


The communication of science has its origins
in the scientists through their disclosures. It
began as a literary genre in the 17th and 17th
centuries (Calvo, 2002). Previously, there were
great men of history such as Leonardo da Vin-
      
duty of the man of science is communication,
or Gerolamo Cardano (1501-1576), who was
-
tion with books on mathematics, medicine, and
physics. This task has been professionalized
over the years (Rodríguez, 2013; Calvo, 2002)
     
which aims to explain in clear language to the
public what are the advances in science so that
they can understand these issues better (Elías,
2008).
-
     
on the fact that dissemination is done by the
sources, in this case, the scientists, and one of

   
whether the experiment is socially worthwhile,

source. One of the current examples of science
-
demic, which has highlighted the evolution that
both the dissemination and communication of
science have been undergoing for some time
(Plaza et al., 2020).
It should be noted that the topics that make up

issues. For example, a group of only ten top-
 
half of everything published in ten years. Not all
events have the same probability of becoming
news (Revuelta, 2008). For the author, science
communication is nothing more than the com-
munication of a small part of science, specif-
ic topics explained by a group of information
sources. This theory is reinforced by a study
conducted by Alonso, Serrano, and Moreno
(2018), which shows that researchers who par-
ticipate in communication actions are usually a
minority, even though they recognize that, after

research is more recognized among their col-
leagues in Spain and abroad.
Science is mainly generated in universities and
research centers; therefore, both institutions
must carry out this transmission of knowledge
to society. To carry out this management coher-
ently, universities have a department in charge
of managing communication (Simancas and
-
izing communication. In these departments,
public universities, in particular, pursue a dou-
      
state. These are to achieve greater social valu-
ation and accountability. One of the resources
    
campus is the creation of expert guides as a
135135
Susana Barberá Forcadell
service for media relations (De Vicente and Si-
erra, 2020).
Added to this, as pez-Pérez and Olvera (2019)
point out, is the fact that Spanish science of ex-
cellence still does not consider the Internet a
valuable channel for disseminating its advanc-

in accessing its websites and social networks.

direct their messages to experts.
Therefore, it is necessary to train these experts
to transmit their message in an understand-
able way (De Vicente and Sierra, 2020) and to
prevent possible false information with the ap-
-
ly disseminated through social networks. This is
because the consumer of information cannot
easily contrast it, nor do they know which reli-
able sources to turn to (Molina-Cañabate y Ma-
gallón-Rosa, 2020).
      -
works, such as Twitter, is valued by a somewhat
skeptical current of opinion, which points out
that a certain level of activity distracts from the
actual research activity (Alonso et al., 2020).
Other authors claim that scientists who use


than those exclusively dedicated to research
(Hall, 2014).
To this, it should be added that when an ex-
pert uses language with an aggressive style, the
information they want to convey is perceived
as less credible, and when discussing science
topics, less is learned (König and Jucks, 2019).
On this point, it should be noted that scientists
interact more with other scientists on Twitter
than non-scientists, even though they value
the communication of science to society by ad-

while using more neutral language towards
., 2019).
        
network, research focused on Twitter (Denia,
2021) points out that the main functions of this
    
tool to inform the interested public, to consoli-
date and develop communities, to account for
    

      
society or to confront them. Another study (Gil
and Guallar, 2023) points to Twitter as a rele-
vant channel for disseminating science, even
though this social network is sometimes asso-
ciated with hate speech on the part of society.
This increase in the presence of scientists has
led Spanish universities to use this social net-
work to showcase their actions related to in-
novation and knowledge transfer to society
(Carratalá and Menencia, 2019). Along with this
and other social networks, streaming platforms
., 2022) have been
gaining prominence in recent years, serving as
a loudspeaker to disseminate the work of sci-
entists in a more pleasant and closer way with
audiovisual and multimedia contents.
This space that scientists do not occupy is
sometimes taken by politicians, especially on
the issue of climate change, where they appear
as sources of information without doing much
., 2020).
In contrast to this theory, a study by San Cor-
nelio  .
on Instagram assures that these new agents
propose a sustainable lifestyle to change soci-
  

number of people.
136136


Another channel through which the dissemi-
-
sion. In this sense, recent research (Carcaboso

Big Bang Theory to show the relationship that
may exist between audiovisual production and
the dissemination of science. The results show
that audiovisual products and television series
      -
tune media to carry it out. Thus, they have an
educational function, also attributed to the me-
dia.



In 2007, in the context of the Year of Science
in Spain, the Spanish Foundation for Science
and Technology (FECYT) promoted the Net-

(FECYT Network). This network aims to set up
organizations that promote interest in science

knowledge generated in research centers, uni-
versities, and other science-related institutions.

innovative culture in civil society and the pro-
ductive fabric (FECYT, 2021).
For this reason, the relatively recent creation of
these units has meant that only a few studies
focusing on them have yet to be published. De-
spite this, the interest in science communica-
tion favors the research of these unique, spe-
cialized communication units.


(SCO) have worked in Europe and the United

are relatively recent in Spanish-speaking coun-
tries such as Mexico (Frías and Rueda, 2014). As
far as Spain is concerned, the UCC+i has meant
a structure in many universities and centers
that gives them visibility and the possibility of
relating to the general population or groups.

in science (Moreno, 2022) who, in recent years,
have acquired greater relevance in the media.
    
to the public, which fosters interest and also fa-
vors the cultural advancement of society.
Therefore, for some theorists, UCC+i are



2018). The work of these UCC+i had great social
recognition during the pandemic by Covid-19.
It was in March 2020 when the professionals
of the UCC+i adopted an active attitude as an

by explaining, through their researchers, the
possible doubts of society at the demand of

2021).In addition, it launches innovative initia-
tives through the Internet.



Like any other organization, the UCC+i has spe-

the leading professional functions (Table 1) of
the UCC+i workers and their areas of action,
based on the manual ‘UCC+i: origen y evolución
(2007-2014)’ by FECYT (2015).
137137
Susana Barberá Forcadell
Table 1





Collaborate with researchers from
their universities and research cen-

results.
Advise and train researchers in sci-
ence communication and populariza-
tion of science.
Serve as intermediaries between
university researchers and research
centers that generate research and

Increase the participation of scien-
tists as generators of opinion on top-
ics of their competence in the media.

journalists
Maintain a constant relationship with



with quality and clarity.
-
tion in the media.
-

-
vation to society.

and popularization activities, such as
workshops, fairs, guided tours, and
open days.
Research on the social perception of
science.


the productive routines of the UCC+i in Spain.
It is expected to be known from the following

01. Identify the relationship with the communi-

02. Determine the demands of the UCC+i to
improve their productivity.
03. Analyze the use of their tools to communi-
cate science.

      
carried out using two methodological ap-
proaches. First, a quantitative technique was
used to survey UCC+i professionals to analyze
their work exhaustively. This technique mea-

highly precisely (Lafuente and Marín, 2008).

certain variables that support and reinforce the

communication generated by the UCC+i of
Spanish universities and research centers.
138138


        

which will advance the research. Data collec-
tion is carried out through a questionnaire to
a sample of the population, where the ano-
nymity of the participants is a priority. The main
phases of this technique include the design of
the sample, construction of the questionnaire,
    
preparation for analysis, analysis techniques,
and presentation of results.
In the present research, a survey was carried
out to analyze the situation of science commu-
nication in Spanish UCC+i. For this purpose, all
the UCC+i that were part of the Network of the
Spanish Foundation for Science and Technol-
ogy (FECYT), which depends on the Ministry of
Science and Innovation of the Government of
Spain, were taken as a sample. The universe of
the sample is the 96 UCC+i that were registered
in the network in 2019. Under the umbrella of
the Foundation, this network promotes the ex-
change of experiences and the search for syn-
ergies between entities, improving the quality
of the products and services of the UCC+i and
optimizing resources.
Online surveys were conducted among the
persons responsible for the UCC+i to carry out
the study, with the collaboration of the FECYT
as the coordinating entity of the network. Spe-
 
to the Head of Unit of the Department of Sci-
      
César López García, so that he could send the
survey to all the UCC+i in the network since he
has a database with all the units. To obtain the
maximum number of responses, these surveys
were carried out through multiple invitations to
all those responsible for the UCC+i. The survey
was developed using the free Google Form ap-
plication, which allows the researcher to pose
multiple-choice and open-ended questions for
respondents to answer using any electronic de-
vice connected to the network.
The questionnaire developed for the units was
sent to 96 UCC+i in December 2019 and Janu-
ary 2020. Fifty-eight completed questionnaires
were collected, representing 60.4% of the total
population of the existing UCC+i in Spain in that
period.
Secondly, a qualitative analysis was carried out
using the semi-structured in-depth interview
-
erable scope for probing the interviewees and
maintaining the basic structure of the interview.

in science communication with outstanding ex-
-



importance they give to UCC+i.
     -
-
papers, radio, television, and the Internet. Re-
searchers work in Spanish public universities.
Finally, UCC+i professionals work in Spanish
public universities and research centers. The
in-depth interviews were carried out in May
and June 2020, each lasting an average of one
hour.
The interviews were conducted in Spain, except
for one in which the interviewee was in Argen-
tina. Of these, twelve were conducted through
the Google Meet platform due to the State
of Alarm caused by the health crisis caused
by COVID-19. Three were carried out using
a questionnaire of closed questions, but with
one of the interviewees, a call was made later
139139
Susana Barberá Forcadell
via Google Meet to collect more answers to the
questionnaire.
The interview questionnaire was elaborated

mentioned above. In this sense, for research-
ers, the questions were divided into four blocks
that addressed knowledge and valuation of UC-
C+i, digital resources, productive routines, and
    
were four blocks on productive routines, the
importance of UCC+i, communication actions,
and digital tools. Finally, for the UCC+i profes-
sionals, a questionnaire was elaborated with
four blocks on the institution and training, vis-
ibility of UCC+i, digitalization, and productive
routines.

The analysis allows us to delve deeper into the
productive routines of the UCC+i professionals.
The results obtained on three questions are
detailed below: relations with the communica-

demands to improve their productivity (3.2),
and the tools they use to communicate science
(3.3).



The results of the UCC+i survey show a rel-
atively complete diagnosis of the productive
routines of the units’ employees. Most respon-
dents, 93.1%, agree that their work is coordi-
nated with the institution’s communication of-

physical space and even human resources with

in coordination have a location close to the of-
-
ber of hours they dedicate to the unit, as some
of them share this task with other duties in the

contract; this fact hinders their total dedication
to the UCC+i.
On the other hand, the professionals of the
units consider it essential, and that is why they
     
collaborating with their institution (Figure 1),
even though they indicate that they do not al-
ways turn to the same researcher to meet the
demands of the media. Hence, it is essential to
have a constantly expanding agenda. Most of

of researchers who collaborate with the unit.
These contacts are made, in a high percentage
(81%), through occasional meetings with re-
-
ly (34.5%) through conferences to encourage
researchers to disseminate their knowledge.
However, there are also those who say that
       
who can be consulted. Of the professionals
surveyed, 1.7% responded that.
The frequency with which they are contacted
varies widely, but as the results show, it is not
very frequent. One-third say that they meet
once a year with the researchers, and oth-
ers meet once a month. In most cases, these
contacts between the communicator and the
researcher are made through personalized
e-mails. However, telephone calls and visits to

This suggests that there is a close relationship
between some communicators and research-
ers, which facilitates the work of the former
when preparing information for the unit.
140140


These agendas are created through training
sessions and periodic meetings to encourage
researchers to be sources of information. In
most cases, these meetings only go up once a
year. Therefore, a lack of close collaboration be-
tween UCC+i and researchers is detected when
scheduling communication. Faced with this lack
of face-to-face meetings, personalized e-mails,
phone calls to researchers, and even visits to

to contact them. This shows an interest in get-
ting closer and personalizing the relationship.
On the other hand, contacts through events
and general emails are not used very often.


According to the results, the primary demand
is for more personal resources (86.2% of the
cases), followed by the need for more materi-
al resources (58.6%) (Figure 2). The rest of the
responses collected propose, as initiatives to
improve their work, the need for a person ded-
icated to social networks (1.7%), more visibility
(1.7%), stabilization of personnel (1.7%), and an
institutional strategy (1.7%), raising awareness
among the institution’s management team
(1.7%), having funding for events (1.7%), having
the support of the government team (1.7%), re-

   -
cial Responsibility (1.7%).
Regarding the provision of more personnel,

   
to subcontract external personnel (31.4%). Re-
garding the provision of more material resourc-

an increase in the budget for the units (76.9%).
Some say that they have no budget allocated

carry out their work.
Figure 1


141141
Susana Barberá Forcadell
Figure 2


3.3. USE OF TOOLS
FOR SCIENCE
COMMUNICATION
The results obtained from the interviews show
that the productive routines carried out by
the unit professionals are similar to those of

both share the task of informing. For this rea-
son, both groups see the creation of an agenda
of researchers to whom they can turn as sourc-
es of information as relevant.
“Yes, there are researchers with whom you
have more contact because they are very ac-
tive, and others with whom you have contact
from time to time” (UCC+i professional 1).
The researchers also value this consideration,
even though, in some cases, they express the
idea that the same sources should not always
be used, either because of their availability or
because of a good way of communicating with
the media. They ask that the agenda be open to
the entire institution.
“Ideally, they should have all the researchers of
the entity [...]. I think that one of the missions
of the UCC+i and the communication depart-
ments is to scratch the other researchers so
that, in the end, all of them participate in the
communication” (researcher 4).

can turn to the institutions’ websites for infor-
mation. These websites publish pieces pre-
pared by the professionals of these structures,
who consider them their priority channels for
disseminating their information.
       
container to bring together the work carried
out by the UCC+i. In addition to more tradition-
al channels such as sending notes to the media
and sharing content on YouTube, Instagram,
and Facebook to reach younger generations”
(professional UCC+i 1).
However, these websites are not the primary
     
because they consider them containers where
they only publish what is favorable for the insti-

      
they want more presence in the media, would

On the other hand, researchers who say they
visit the media point out their curiosity to learn
about the work being done by colleagues from
their own or other institutions.
142142



-
est me too, to see ideas and because it is my

In this sense, one of the actions most frequent-
ly carried out by the professionals of these
units continues to be the preparation of press
releases, a means used to send information to
the conventional media since the early years of
the appearance of the communication cabinets
(Simón, 2017). According to the responses ob-
tained, these press releases are published on
the websites mentioned above and sent via
email to the media. These press releases are
      -
searchers since they facilitate the work of both,
which gives the most accurate information
possible on the research being carried out. In
many cases, this translates to the complicated

“Press releases are important because they re-
port something that was a paper no one under-
stands” (researcher 1).

not use them as they come to them but as fu-
ture contacts or as a preliminary to expand the
information later. Thus, they avoid having the
same information as the rest of the media.
“On the assumption that we do not pay atten-
tion to the press release, I am interested in
receiving the press release because they are
those little grains of sand that someday may be

These investigations disseminated through
press releases are carried out once the re-
sults have been obtained and usually when the


publishing their work in the media when it has
not yet been fully completed. However, this has
been changing in recent years due to the ob-

are researching.
“I think they can come out in many phases be-
cause they do not only have to be results, that
is, many times they are results, and I think that

out the research you want to do because that
gives it visibility [...] science is a continuous
thing, and it is a process and it is not only the
results” (researcher 1).
       
for the studies to be carried out to be covered
by the media from the beginning because they
consider that there are interesting topics from
the start of the research process. In the mid-
dle are the professionals who are indebted to
their institution’s researchers and who cannot
disseminate their information without the cor-
responding permission.
“I am hypercritical of post-publication com-
munication in a ‘here you have it all and it has
done’ kind of way. There is no history, and there
is nothing. To me, one of the things I am liking
about Covid, despite its imperfections, is that
you are seeing science in process, as it is being

143143
Susana Barberá Forcadell
The reason explained above leads, on many oc-

to request information because they know how
they work. Many times, they encounter an in-
surmountable wall that will not be able to meet
their requests. For this reason, they turn to re-
searchers, if they have a relationship with them,
to ask for information about their work.
       
can by system. [...] All those channels that are
very good when you do not know how to reach
someone when you know how to get there, we
try to avoid them to go directly to the source, to

In addition, the work carried out in these units
is coordinated with the corresponding commu-

the information coming out of the institution
and give these structures greater visibility.
“You cannot have a UCC+i on one side and a

the end, what we are doing is showing society
what we do, either by researching or dissemi-

-
age of the university” (UCC+i professional 2).
All of the above leads to the conclusion that the
unit professionals use the same communica-
-
nate with them to achieve greater visibility.
However, despite this, it seems that their ef-
forts do not bear all the desired fruits, as they

of the media, to use all the channels they make
available to them, such as emails, websites,
telephone calls, and social networks, to name
a few. The fact of ‘skipping’ the UCC+i profes-
sional to go directly to the researchers is also
present in these structures, as it happens in the

similar. This, perhaps, should be reconsidered.
 

The data from this study show that the work
carried out by the UCC+i professionals and that
      
work with information to disseminate to the
media, and the press release is one of the main
tools they use. Although not all UCC+i profes-
-

their institution.
-
eto and Vendrell, 2001; De Semir, 2013; Bustos,
2012), the information produced in specialized
      
having the label of science. Authors such as
Simancas and García (2022) state that univer-
sities have their own department to manage
communication, and this makes the informa-

to achieve greater social appreciation while at
the same time being accountable to society for
their work.
   -
ists, this information in press release format
144144


is not published as it arrives. They argue that,
based on them, they seek to expand this in-

from the information of the rest of the general
      -
selves to a “copy and paste” of the press re-
lease.
The priority channel through which they dis-
seminate information to the media is email,
and subsequently, they are published on the
unit’s website. This result coincides, in part, with
previous studies by López-Pérez and Olvera
(2019), who claim that the science of excellence
did not consider the Internet to be a valuable
channel for disseminating their advances to
society because, although the results of this re-
search show an interest in communicating the


their institutions to do so.
-
tions to the forms used to communicate sci-
ence in the UCC+i. The most outstanding one is
that the specialization of the unit professionals
provides them with a greater number of tools


recipient.
One of the tools created by half of the profes-
-
das of researchers in their institutions, which
they manage within each UCC+i. This allows
them to have a direct and continuous rela-
tionship with the generators of knowledge in
their institutions and makes it easier for them
to address them when they receive requests
for information from the media. In most cases,
the methods used to create the agendas are

-

of the units, a part (30%) still chooses to look


media outlet.
      
these professionals in the units to create a
list of researchers who are available when re-
quired by the media, but also because they
         

their institution.
Regarding the relationship with the communi-

perform their functions, the UCC+i teams work
     -
paring information and carrying out specialized
activities in science communication. However,
it should be noted that they are coordinated by
the Communication or Research departments.
These two are shown as the most repeated
areas that supervise the UCC+i, although it is
true that not all of them are in them due to the
145145
Susana Barberá Forcadell
relative novelty of these structures. This means
       
departments or services due to the lack of a
common set of regulations for universities and
research centers.
Their relationship with the various institutions’
departments means that they are not rec-
     -
es specialized in science, as might have been
expected. This is due to the specializations of
each unit since not all cases are a question of
producing information. According to previous

-
, 2017).
        -
search (Bellón, 2018; Nieto and Vendrell, 2001;
González-Pedraz et al., 2018), the units that
elaborate informative pieces involve the re-
-
dia since the communicator specialized in the
science of the institution, being closer to the
scientist, is the one who knows better his pro-

to request the information than an external
      
promote publicity and public relations among
their tasks without losing sight of their prima-

the knowledge generated in the institution.
Likewise, the data obtained in the research
show that there are some shortcomings in
these units in order to improve their produc-
tion, which are claimed by the professionals
working in them. Among them, the lack of per-
sonnel (86.2%) and material resources (58.6%)
stand out. Regarding personnel, they are in fa-

the person in charge of the UCC+i performs
   
they even see the possibility of hiring external
personnel to perform more functions within
their department. They demand more fund-
ing for material resources to improve technical
equipment and carry out more dissemination
and promotion actions.
The present research is limited to studying the
units from their start-up to the present. Among
the limitations of the study are the number of
responses received from the UCC+i and the
small number of in-depth interviews, which,
nevertheless, have provided insight into the
work carried out in these units. This, added to
the recent work dynamics of these profession-
als on the Internet, will make it possible for fu-
ture studies to investigate the work carried out
in the UCC+i to analyze its impact on science
communication at the national and even inter-
national levels.
146146



-
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   , 223-227. http://dx.doi.org/10.6035/2174-
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       
XXI.  , 15-18
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
comunicativo de las fuentes expertas: impacto del COVID-19 en las

, 54, 163-186. https://acortar.link/t5YYJe
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universidades públicas españolas: situación actual y nuevos desafíos.
     (1), 621-637. https://dx.doi.
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
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
    (1), 631-645. https://doi.org/10.5209/
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149
8
Análisis comparativo de las agendas ciudadanas y
mediáticas en Ecuador durante el primer año de mandato





ARTICLE
Universidad del Azuay
He graduated from Social Communications at the Universidad del Azuay (2020) and a Master
in Advanced Studies in Political Communication at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid
(2022). He has researched agenda setting, public sphere and civilian conversation topics. He is
currently a teacher at the Universidad del Azuay, where he teaches Communication, Language,
-
tion School at the same University.
sebastian.carrasco@uazuay.edu.ec
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0005-5596-7221
RECEIVED: 2023-10-24 / ACCEPTED: 2024-02-05

OBRA DIGITAL, 25, June 2024, pp. 149 -167, e-ISSN 2014-5039
DOI: https://doi.org/10.25029/od.2024.405.25
Abstract:
        
years, has been characterized by the political
polarization of the media. In that context, this
investigation analyzes the correspondence of
agendas that exists between the citizens agen-
da and the agenda of the media, both printed
and digital, in Ecuador during President Guiller-

May 23rd, 2022). Public agenda data from the
polling company Click Research, a company
allowed to do public opinion research by Ec-
uador´s Electoral Council, was retrieved and a
topic content analysis of four Ecuadorian me-
dia, both digital ( and   )
and traditional ( and), was
done, as well. The Matching Index proposed by
Asp was used to analyze to what degree media
and public agendas are corresponded. Results
show that there is a correspondence between

public agenda. There is a bigger correspon-
dence between public agenda and the printed
media agenda in permanent topics for society;
while the correspondence is bigger with digital
media when it comes to inmediate, circumstan-
tial events that mark the public agenda on oc-
casions.
150150
Comparative analysis of Ecuador’s public and media agendas throughout


The media select several topics and events to
cover. In doing so, they provide the public with

-
Combs, 2006). In today’s academia, the ques-
tion arises as to what extent the media select
topics based on aspects such as the editorial
line of the medium, the economic motivations
of the owners of the press, or the closeness
and relationship that these media have with
the government in power.
This debate is supported by evidence from
some Latin American countries, where media
dynamics are governed by powerful economic
-
lets. For this reason, the editorial line of press,
radio, and television tends to be mostly aligned
to the right of the political spectrum and critical
of left-wing governments and political actors
(Schuliaquer, 2021). In Brazil, for example, it
has been observed that the mainstream media

country with negative attributes. Meanwhile,
-
ed with positive characteristics during the 2014
presidential election (Goldstein, 2016).
Ecuador is another example of this. During Ra-
fael Correa’s left-wing government, there was a
dispute between the government and the me-
dia, which established an agenda of negative
attributes around Correa’s presidency and the
members of his cabinet (De la Torre, 2014).
In 2021, a right-wing candidate, Guillermo Las-
so, from the country’s banking sector, won the
presidential election in Ecuador. If we consider
what Schuliaquer (2021) states about media
dynamics in Latin America and the concentra-
Agenda setting, agenda correspon-
dence, media agendas, public agendas, Ecua-
dor

Ecuador es un país que, en los últimos quince
años, se ha caracterizado por una polarización
política. En este contexto, este estudio real-
iza un análisis de la correspondencia entre la
agenda pública y la agenda mediática, tanto
de medios tradicionales impresos como de
medios digitales independientes, en Ecuador,
durante el primer año de gobierno del presi-
dente Guillermo Lasso (24 de mayo de 2021-
23 de mayo de 2022). Se recuperaron datos de
agenda pública obtenidos por la encuestadora
-
al Electoral para realizar encuestas de opinión
pública, y se realizó un análisis de contenido
temático de las principales noticias de cuatro
medios de comunicación ecuatorianos, tanto
digitales (Primicias y Radio La Calle) como tradi-
cionales (El Comercio y El Universo). Se apli
el índice de equiparación de agendas propues-
to por Asp para analizar hasta qué punto se
corresponden las agendas de los medios con
la agenda pública. Los resultados demues-
tran que existe una correspondencia entre las
agendas de los diferentes tipos de medios y la
agenda pública, existiendo mayor equiparación
de agendas con los medios tradicionales im-
presos, para temas más permanentes de agen-
da; y mayor equiparación de agenda con los
medios digitales independientes, para temas
inmediatos relacionados con acontecimientos

  corresponden-
cia de agendas, agendas mediáticas, agendas
públicas, Ecuador.
151151
Sebastian Carrasco-Hermida
tion of power by powerful economic groups, it
could be understood that the press in Ecuador
would play a less critical role towards this gov-
ernment. Thus, the media agenda would focus
on positive issues for Lasso’s administration.
Faced with this scenario, it is worth asking what
agenda topics the media select to transmit to
the public and to what extent these topics cor-
respond to the main concerns of Ecuadorians.
In this way, it is possible to know what agen-
da items the media place on the public sphere
(Habermas, 2020) and outline whether there is
a power of transference of relevance from the
media to the citizenry.
To answer this question, we have taken the
       
which runs from 24 May 2021 to 23 May 2022.
The level of correspondence between the pub-
lic agenda, which is understood as citizens
concerns, and the media agendas of tradition-
al print media and independent digital portals
with a news section during the established time
frame will be analyzed.



-
ting were McCombs and Shaw (1972), who

the direction or intensity of people’s attitudes
-
      
these issues for the citizenry.
     

presents to the public. The more people are ex-
posed to an issue in the media, the more acces-
sible it becomes to the public, the more they
start to care about it and formulate their opin-
ions on it. This produces the agenda-setting

2020).
      
answered in several ways. However, from a the-
oretical point of view, one of the most accept-
ed is explained by the need for orientation, in
which each individual has to locate and under-
-
tainty, the media will play an important role in
orienting the population (Chernov, Valenzuela
& McCombs, 2011).
     
between permanent agenda items and im-
mediate or circumstantial items. Many public
agenda items remain present and stable over
long periods in a society. These issues are cat-
egorized as permanent agenda items. On the
other hand, issues suddenly appear on the
      
event, and people do not know much about
the issue, so their need for orientation is great-
er. These issues will often not remain stable for
long periods on the public agenda. Thus, they
could be categorized as immediate issues.
The media seems to have given some guidance
on both issues. This occurs so citizens incorpo-
rate permanent and immediate matters into
the public agenda (López-Escobar, Llamas &
McCombs, 1998).
One of the criticisms of agenda-setting theory
relates to how the public is conceived, espe-
cially in mass behavior. On the one hand, Mc-
Combs & Shaw (1972) conceive society as a
quasi-homogeneous mass with more or less
similar reactions to certain stimuli. On the oth-
    
     
152152
Comparative analysis of Ecuador’s public and media agendas throughout

when it comes to establishing a public and per-
sonal agenda for each person, so it cannot be
said that the whole of society reacts similarly to
a stimulus.
Dalton et al. (1998) consider that the power giv-
en to  theory throughout history
has been overstated. There is not necessarily a
relationship between the public interest in an
issue and its presence in the media. Zhou et al.
(2016) consider that one of the main challenges
for the study of agenda setting is that, in the
current media fragmentation, it is unclear to
what extent it is still possible to speak of a unify-
ing ability of the media to set the public agenda.
This phenomenon has become more acute
with the expansion of social networks and the
globalization of communications. Some au-
  

agendas, political agendas, and citizens’ public
agendas (Gilardi et al., 2021).
Others, in contrast, maintain the position that
-
tial and contextual changes, still set the agenda
-
ever, some argue that, in the contemporary
world, there is already a power on the part of
social platforms such as Twitter to set the pub-
lic agenda and even that of traditional media
(Boynton & Richardson, 2016).
 theory has evolved from its ori-
gins and must now go beyond a simple model
where the media talk about an issue and it is
incorporated into people’s lives. For example,
Su & Xiao (2021) wanted to study to what ex-
tent social interactions on the Chinese social
     
of partisan and metropolitan media in China.
Therefore, it is necessary to talk about interme-
dial 

AGENDA SETTING

the relationship between two or more media
outlets regarding agenda setting. Generally,
this relationship between two or more media
outlets is established by the domination of the
large traditional press, which transfers the the-
-
dia outlets and local media outlets (Li, 2018).
However, this conception has been changing in
recent years, and the debate has been opened
on whether, through digital tools such as so-
cial networks, the public agenda can be said to
-

2019).
Some authors consider that citizens’ conversa-
tions and debates on Twitter depend on what is
covered and disseminated by the media (Vargo
et al., 2014). Other scholars point out that the
conversations generated on Twitter can some-
times reach press and television media cover-
age (Meraz, 2015).
The literature indicates a bilateral relationship
       -
       
the context and reality of the addressed news
(Vargo, Basilaia & Shaw, 2015). The bilateral in-
    -

phenomenon. In the globalized context, agen-
da setting is due, in part, to citizens reporting
     
that were previously not reached by the media

This irruption of the citizenry in the interme-
dial relationship of the agenda through social
153153
Sebastian Carrasco-Hermida
networks evidences the importance of ana-
lyzing the public agenda and how it relates to
the media agenda of a country or region. For

in which they demonstrated that there is an
empowerment of the agenda of the general

on issues such as global warming and environ-
mental preservation.
This paper will study the public agenda and the
media agenda. The public agenda can be con-
ceptualized as the importance people assign to
each particular issue, compared to other topics
related to the society in which they develop (Pe-
ter & de Vreese, 2003).
On the other hand, the media agenda should
be understood as the set of issues presented in
the media, as well as their frequency of appear-
ance in the media and their relevance (Vargo,
Guo & Amazeen, 2018).



Throughout history, Latin American countries’
traditional print and television media have giv-
en right-wing governments and political parties
more favorable coverage. Meanwhile, they have
been more critical of left-wing governments
and political parties (Schuliaquer, 2021).
Faced with this dynamic, left-wing Latin Amer-
ican governments have had to take various
actions to balance the plurality of voices in the
political spectrum and ensure their adminis-
tration was covered positively. Actions of this
type may be the strengthening of public media,
which have become governmental, or changes
in the media legislation of a country (Schuli-
     
we can talk about the case of Gustavo Petro, in
Colombia, who had to use social networks such
as Twitter and Instagram to disseminate and
massify his campaign messages. In this way, he
tried to counteract the narrative the country’s
traditional media imposed on his candidacy for
the presidency in 2021 (Restrepo & González,
2021).
    

through the creation of a network of public
media in press, radio, and television (Buenaño,
2015).
Likewise, a Communication Law was imple-
mented with greater control over the media.
Some authors call it a de-democratic commu-
nication law in Ecuador (Ramos, 2013). This
generated an ideological polarization in the


    
& Gómez, 2019). This, in turn, has led to a so-
cial divergence that seems irreconcilable in the
short term (Altmann, 2020).


Public Agenda:
To know the public agenda, it is necessary to ac-
cess quantitative data obtained in one or more
surveys and applied to a representative sam-
ple of the population studied (López-Escobar,
Llamas & McCombs, 1998). The polling com-
pany Click Research, based in Quito, Ecuador,
was contacted to obtain this data. This pollster
was used because they present periodic re-
154154
Comparative analysis of Ecuador’s public and media agendas throughout

ports on the country’s situation. These reports
include the question that is usually considered
the most important when it comes to knowing
a public agenda, according to Asp (1983). That

the moment?
The public agenda issues are presented as a
percentage, which indicates how many people,

issue is their primary concern. Four of its so-
cial climate and citizen perception surveys on
how Ecuadorians feel and conceive the reality
of their country were accessed. These surveys
were conducted in October 2021, January, April
and May 2022.
  conducts quantitative research
using simple random sampling. In each study,
760 surveys were conducted with people over
18 years of age in Quito and Guayaquil, the two
most populated cities in the country. In total,
we worked with 3040 cases. The number of
respondents results from weighting the pop-
ulation size of the areas investigated -
 2021).
This methodology guarantees a representative-

of error of ±3% (Click Research, 2021). The in-
formation was collected through face-to-face
surveys in the public space of the research ar-


To analyze the Ecuadorian media agenda, we
resorted to a content analysis of the front-page
news of two traditional print media outlets in
Ecuador ( and ) and the
news of two independent digital media outlets
( and ) that generated the
most Likes, Retweets and Comments on Twit-
ter.
The choice of newspapers is because, in the
years before conducting this study, they were

physical circulation in the country. 
had a print edition of 125 thousand copies, and
 had 112 thousand copies (Viveros
and Mellado, 2018).
In the case of independent digital media, we
chose media with more than 45 thousand fol-
lowers on Twitter, the most widely used social
network for disseminating news (García-de-
Torres et al., 2011). The tweets had to include
a link so the reader could review a complete
news article; otherwise, they would not be con-
tained in the analysis.
The content analysis examined the topics cov-
ered in the top three front-page stories in each
traditional print media. A similar study was per-
formed on independent digital media news. In
the case of digital media, because there is no
printed front page, the three daily news items
that generated the most interaction (com-
ments, retweets, and likes) with users on Twit-
ter were selected.
Thus, it was proposed to apply a content anal-
ysis methodology derived from the work of
Rodríguez-Díaz and Castromil (2020), which
analyzes the general themes in which certain
-
ing the agenda that each media has and how
-
able to be studied in the content analysis was
THEME, which refers to the general and most
relevant topic being addressed in a news item.

in which each news item could be placed. These
categories were: crime and insecurity; employ-
ment; economy and poverty; corruption; prison
crisis; essential services; taxes and tax reforms;
155155
Sebastian Carrasco-Hermida
     
powers; gender violence; demonstrations and
citizen protests; coverage of the work of the
National Assembly; coverage of the work of the
presidency; Covid and the vaccination process;
migration to Ecuador; sports news; internation-

  
other category.
     -
ductive and observational process that made
it possible to match the media agenda’s topics
with the public agenda’s main issues. Other
current news topics and the reality of media
coverage in Ecuador were added to these cat-
egories 
-
gorize a news item into one or another topic to
facilitate the coding of the news items and avoid
overlapping between topics. These parameters
concerned the central idea shown in the news
item, with particular emphasis on its headline.
In a second instance, to discern the category
to which a news item belonged, we resorted to
the terminology used in that news item.
     
and insecurity” and “gender violence,” it was
-
cide or 
since it was the most relevant topic in the news.

items corresponding to “economy and pover-
ty,” “unemployment,” or “taxes and tax reforms,”
the terminology used in the news item was

employment, it was attributed to the employ-
ment category. Likewise, if the news item used
terms related to tax issues, it was assigned to
the category of taxes and tax reforms.
Sports news, international news, and news re-
lated to other topics were discarded from the

The front pages of the printed media between
May 24, 2021, and May 23, 2022, were ac-
cessed to analyze the traditional printed media
agenda. The three main headlines on the front

of these three news items was carried out.
Twitter’s advanced search tool was used to an-
alyze independent digital media. In this way,
the tweets sent by the accounts 
 were obtained between May 24,
2021, and May 23, 2022. The three daily news
items selected were those that had the most
interaction with users each day. It was estab-
lished that to analyze a tweet, it had to have a
minimum of 30 interactions.
These parameters are obtained as a deri-
vation of the work of Rolán & Otero (2017)
and Meso-Ayerdi, Mendiguren-Galdospín &
Pérez-Dasilva (2017).
Two thousand one hundred thirty-three news
items from print media and 1,352 from digital
media were analyzed.
As mentioned above, the main topic of each
-
dríguez-Díaz and Castromil (2020), and a re-
cord was kept in the SPSS database manager of
each of the news items analyzed and their main
topic. At the end of the information collection
on media agendas, a percentage out of 100%
was obtained for each of the issues presented
in the news items.
156156
Comparative analysis of Ecuador’s public and media agendas throughout




A matching index was calculated to analyze
the level of correspondence between the pub-
lic agenda and the media agenda, both tradi-
tional and digital, as proposed by Asp (1983).
This matching index, also called the correspon-
dence index, was obtained by calculating the

topic of the public agenda and the agenda of
each analyzed media.
      -
      
were added up, and the result was divided by
the number of elements analyzed. This division
was made by two for this work since two inde-
pendent digital media and two traditional print
media were analyzed. It is important to note
that each media type will be analyzed separate-
       
was subtracted from the value of 100 (which
refers to 100%), and this value, in turn, was di-
vided by 100.
This resulted in a number between 0 and 1, rep-
resenting the level of correspondence between
agendas. The closer the index is to 0, the lower
the level of correspondence between agendas,
and the closer the index is to 1, the higher the
level of correspondence between agendas.
In Asp’s original study (1983), for example, a
correspondence value of 0.76 was obtained be-
tween the political agenda of the Swedish Com-
munist Party and the media agenda of Swedish
television. This means considerable correspon-
dence existed between the issues addressed in
these two agendas. In the same study, a corre-
spondence index of 0.61 was found between
the political agenda of the Swedish Social Dem-
ocratic Party and the Swedish television media
agenda. This indicates a lower correspondence
of issues between television and the Social
Democrats than the media had with the Com-
munists.
For this work, an index was obtained to com-
pare the traditional printed media agenda with
       -
tained to compare the digital media and public
agendas.


As mentioned in the previous chapter, we
worked with the social climate and citizen per-
ception surveys of the pollster Click Research,
which were carried out in October 2021 and
January, April, and May 2022. The results are

current main problem? These results are pre-
sented as a percentage.
Figure 1 shows the average percentages for
    
surveys. The public agenda issues in citizens
concerns were crime and insecurity, employ-
ment, economy and poverty, corruption, prison
violence, access to essential services, COVID-19
and the vaccination process, and others.
157157
Sebastian Carrasco-Hermida


Delincuencia e inseguridad
Empleo
Economía y pobreza
Corrupción
Covid y vacunación
Crisis en las cárceles
Otros
Servicios básicos
The graph shows four main issues of concern
to Ecuadorian citizens: insecurity and crime,
employment, the economy and poverty, and
corruption. Ninety-two percent of respondents
indicated that the biggest problem in Ecuador
when the surveys were conducted, was one of
these four issues.
It is important to note that during the period
analyzed in this paper (2021-2022), Ecuador
experienced a crisis of insecurity and violence
-
ployment ravages derived from the economic
crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition,
-
try’s last governments were involved in a series
of corruption investigations.
On the other hand, it is worth noting that is-
sues such as the pandemic or the crisis in the
country’s prison system, despite having a con-
      
reports, proved to be temporary issues on the
public agenda that ceased to be of concern to
citizens once the crisis had passed.
36%
24%
19%
13%
3%
2%
2%
1%
158158
Comparative analysis of Ecuador’s public and media agendas throughout



The three main news items on the front pages
of and   were reviewed
from 24 May 2021 to 23 May 2022.
In total, 2,133 news items were analyzed. Of
these, 1,054 were from, and 1,079
were from The disparities in the
number of news items between each media
are because, in some editions, the front page
of one of the media presented less than three
news items and dedicated its front page to a

After discarding international, sports, and oth-
er news, we worked with 1,665 news items or
78.1 percent of the total news items on the
front pages. Of these, 762 corresponded to 
 and 903 to 
The percentages of news items corresponding

which allowed us to analyze the level of corre-
spondence with the public agenda are shown
below.





160
152
19,9%
118
10815,5%
14,2%
8,8%
8,1%
7%
6,3%
4,5%
3,4%
3,3%
3%
2,9%
1,8%
1,3%
67
62
53
48
34
26
25
23
22
14
10
140
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
Figure 3




As can be seen, the topic most covered by Dia-
 is the economy and the poverty

items on the front page referred to these topics
(152, 19.9%). Another topic that is recurrently
present is the Covid pandemic, where the Del-
ta and Omicron variants are included. Hand in
hand with the pandemic, there was also news
about the vaccination process deployed by
the government of Guillermo Lasso in Ecuador
-
dred eighteen news items (15.5%) dealt with
these issues.
As for the public agenda topics observed in
the previous section of this chapter, in addition
to the economy above, 48 news items (6.3%)
discussed crime and insecurity; 25 news items
(3.3%) dealt with employment; 53 news items
(7%) discussed corruption; and 34 news items
(4.5%) discussed the crisis of violence in Ecua-
dor’s prison system.
Cantidad de noticias
140
133
14,7%
117
111
13%
12,3%
10,9%
9,5%
8,6%
7,4%
7,2%
4,5%
4,3%
3,5%
3,3%
0,7%
0%
98
86
78
67
65
41
39
32
30
6
0
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
159159
Sebastian Carrasco-Hermida
papers’ media agenda. In other words, there
were 17 categories where a news item could be
placed. Again, international and sports news, as
well as those corresponding to other topics, will
not be part of the analysis of this work.
Therefore, the digital media analysis worked
with 1,114 news items assigned to one of the
thematic categories mentioned above. This
is equivalent to 82.4% of the total news items
collected in the database. Three hundred nine-
ty-seven of these news items belong to-
 and 717 to  The percentages
of the total number of events that correspond
to each of the central themes of the events are
shown below.
Regarding it can be observed
that the most covered topic is related to the
COVID-19 pandemic and the vaccination pro-

Guillermo Lasso’s government. One hundred
thirty-three news items (14.7% of the total)
dealt with this topic. In contrast to the case of
 none of the issues accounted for
more than 15% of the total news on the front
page. The second most popular topic on this
media agenda is the economic situation and
poverty in the country. One hundred seven-
teen news items (13%) of its news items dealt
with this topic.
In addition to the economy, which was re-
viewed in the previous paragraph, the results
of the other main topics on the public agenda
are presented. It is noted that crime and inse-
curity were the main topics of 86 news items
(9.5%); employment appeared as the most cru-
cial topic in 30 news items (3.3%) on the front
page; corruption of politicians was present in
98 news items (10.9%); and the crisis in the
penitentiary system appeared in 41 news items
(4.5%).


     
items from the two independent digital portals
were reviewed; 561 belonged to and
791 were from This corresponds
to 41.5% and 58.5% of the total news analyzed

between the amount of news analyzed in each
press are related to the fact that there were
days in which there were not three tweets that
presented a news item that reached the mini-
mum of 30 interactions with users.
     
same as those used to analyze printed news-
Figure 4




As can be seen, there is one topic that domi-
nates agenda, and that is corruption.
One hundred forty-eight of its news items,
37.3% of the total, deal with corruption cases
     

other topics do not reach 10% of the total news
items analyzed.
Concerning public agenda issues, crime and in-
security is the central theme of 35 news items

only four news items (1%); the economic crisis
160160
Comparative analysis of Ecuador’s public and media agendas throughout

Figure 5



Table 1










(7.3%); and the crisis in the penitentiary system
is the central theme of 18 news items (4.5%).
Agenda
Pública

Tema de
agenda
pública
Índice de cor-
respondencia
con medios
tradicionales
impresos
Índice de cor-
respondencia
con medios
digitales inde-
pendientes
Delincuencia e
inseguridad
0,72 0,70
Empleo 0,79 0,77
Economía y
Pobreza
0,97 0,88
Corrupción 0,96 0,86
Crisis en las
cárceles
0,97 0,98
Servicios bási-
cos
0,91 0,94
Covid y vacu-
nación
0,88 0,98
The correspondence index was carried out with
the seven main public agenda items in Figure
1 of the previous chapter. The table has been
ordered from highest to lowest, according to
their percentage of prevalence on the public
agenda.
print and independent digital media will be ob-
served.
It is worth remembering that the correspon-
dence index is a number that ranges from zero
to one. The closer this number is to zero, the
lower the level of agenda correspondence. On
the other hand, the closer the number is to
one, the higher the level of correspondence.
The topics most present in  are,


State. This topic is central in 152 news items
(21.2%). In second place is corruption, which is
present in 121 news items (16.9%).
Regarding the main public agenda topics, it is
observed that crime and insecurity have 24
news items (3.3%); employment is the central
theme of 9 news items (1.3%); the economic
crisis and poverty have 52 news items (7.3%);
and the topic of the crisis in the penitentiary
system is covered in 23 news items (3.2%).


The results of the application of Asp’s (1983)
methodology, presented in the methodological
chapter of this work, to obtain a correspon-
dence index will be explained below. The level
of correspondence between the public agenda
topics and the media agendas of traditional
161161
Sebastian Carrasco-Hermida
On the other hand, the other three public agen-
da items, which had little weight in the public’s
concerns throughout the year, correspond
more with the agenda of independent digital
media. For these three issues, which are the
prison crisis, essential services, and the pan-
demic, the level of correspondence with the
digital agenda ranges between 0.94 and 0.98.

between the correspondence index that the
public agenda topics have about the traditional
printed media agenda versus the correspon-
dence index between the public agenda and
the digital media agenda. 
     
0.1.

If we consider that all the correspondence in-
dexes obtained for each of the public agenda
items exceed 0.7, we can speak of a consid-
erable correspondence between the media
agenda and the public agenda. This correspon-
dence is independent of the nature of the me-
dia, whether they are traditional print or inde-
pendent digital media.
In contemporary Ecuadorian communication
    
       
topics on the public agenda are crime and in-
security, employment, the economic crisis, and
      -
lence, there was also concern about the prison
crisis, problems in access to essential services,
and the COVID-19 pandemic.
According to the categorization derived from
 
agenda items presented would be permanent:
crime and insecurity, employment, economy
and poverty, corruption, and essential services.
The categories of prison crisis and COVID-19
and the vaccination process correspond to im-
mediate agenda items.

level of correspondence in the agendas above
0.7. This indicates that there is a correspon-
dence between Ecuador’s media and public
agendas. Although all the indexes are high, it
should be noted that the two main public agen-
da topics, such as crime and employment, have
the lowest levels of correspondence.
On the other hand, two topics that also had an
essential percentage in the public agenda of
citizens, such as the economy and the corrup-
tion of politicians, show higher correspondence
indexes. Especially in the comparison between
the public agenda and the traditional media
agenda, this index is close to the value of one.
It should be noted that the two highest indexes
obtained are between the public agenda and
the digital media agenda. Compared with the
independent digital media, these indexes cor-
respond to topics with lower prevalence in the
public agenda, such as the crisis in Ecuador’s
prison system and the pandemic. Both reached
an index of 0.98 out of one.
It is worth noting that the top four issues on
the public agenda correspond more closely
with the print media agenda than with the in-
dependent digital media agenda. These four is-
sues, which accounted for 92% of respondents
main concerns, have correspondence indexes
ranging from 0.72 to 0.97 with traditional print
media.
162162
Comparative analysis of Ecuador’s public and media agendas throughout

In this sense, the idea that the media empha-
size the events of a society on a group of issues
that come to be considered important by the

McCombs (2006).
This work demonstrates that, even though the
      
stated by Zuluaga and Gómez (2019), the di-
versity of agendas corresponds to citizen con-
cerns.
-
ysis of the results has to do with the fact that
there are higher levels of correspondence be-
tween public agenda issues and the agenda of
traditional print media, such as  and

matters, the highest level of correspondence
is between the public agenda and the agenda
of independent digital media such as 
and 
The four issues with the highest percentages in
the public agenda correspond more with the
agenda of traditional print media. In compari-
son, the three issues with the lowest percent-
ages in the public agenda correspond more
closely with the agenda of independent digital
media.
To analyze this reality, it could be observed that
two of the three topics where there is a greater
correspondence with the digital media agenda
-
ing to the categorization derived from Chern-
  
events that generate an emotional, viral, and
immediate conversation. These topics are the
prison crisis and the pandemic.
Once this has been pointed out, we proceed
to analyze why, in these issues, which are very

citizen conversation in the public sphere that
Habermas (2020) mentioned, there is greater
correspondence between the public agenda
and the agenda of independent digital media.
This could be due to the logic of social networks
themselves, which place a news topic that gen-
erates alarm and panic among citizens and
provokes the immediate interaction of users
in the digital environment. Here, the need for
guidance discussed by Chernov. (2011)
focuses on the uncertainty and fear that may
exist among citizens.
That uncertainty can be resolved more quick-
ly through independent digital media, which
reports 24 hours a day, while traditional print
media do so through their physical edition in
the mornings.
In this media logic, independent digital media
are favored, as they do not have to wait for their
morning edition to be part of the digital citizen
conversation. It corroborates, then, what Vargo,
Basilaia & Shaw (2015) stated when they said
that the power of the digital agenda depends

of the news.
As the days go by, these last-minute issues are
overshadowed by more traditional concerns
rooted in society that transcend beyond a
   
agenda. In the case of Ecuador, these concerns,
which are rooted in society, are crime and in-
security, employment, the economic crisis, and
the political system’s corruption.
For these four points, it should be considered
that the correspondence indexes of the public
agenda are higher with the agenda of tradition-
al print media. This could indicate that, in the
163163
Sebastian Carrasco-Hermida
macro-spectrum of Ecuadorian events or the
daily activity of the country, it is still the tradi-
tional media, such as El Comercio or 
that set the public agenda. The power of the big

maintained.
Once again, it is worth mentioning the need for
orientation referred to by Chernov (2011).
This need for orientation in the face of more
established topics that move away from the
shocking and sometimes frightening novelty is

on the public agenda have a higher rate of cor-
respondence precisely with the traditional print
media such as and 
      -
gardless of the new communication dynamics
generated in the digital environment, as long
as orientation is needed, both for permanent
    
issues.
This research supports the idea that there has
been a permutation in agenda-setting power.
Traditional print media are ceding their ability
to guide citizens in situations of high uncertain-
ty, rapid development, and constant change.
This guiding capacity falls over the media that
operate in the digital environment.
Thus, it corroborates the idea presented by Gi-
lardi . (2021) about the balance of forces

power of social networks such as Twitter to set
the public agenda about which Boynton and
Richardson (2016).
Having mentioned this, it is also important to
     
rates between traditional print and indepen-
dent digital media is not overwhelming. Under
     
favor of either type of media.
Looking at the results, one might wonder why
   
public agenda have the lowest correspondence
indexes when contrasted with the media agen-
das. Insecurity has correspondence indexes of
0.72 and 0.70, while employment has indexes
of 0.79 and 0.77. This could be due to the dy-

span.

topics, citizens retain smaller portions of that
range of issues despite the media’s hierarchi-
zation of news. These smaller portions are the
ones that are incorporated into their agenda.
This reinforces the idea of Ardèvol-Abreu 
(2020), who said that reducing topics in the me-
dia builds the public agenda.
164164
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handle.net/10469/18278
Universitat de Vic - Universitat Central de Catalunya
Universidad del Azuay

169



Un análisis de la discriminación de género en el contexto
de convergencia mediática de las periodistas españolas
DOCTORAL THESIS
Ph.D. student at the Universitat de Vic-Universitat Central de Catalunya, currently directing the
Translation, Gender, and Culture program.
chennandeyouxiang@gmail.com
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0004-4120-9086
RECEIVED: 2023-11-06 / ACCEPTED: 2023-12-07

OBRA DIGITAL, 25, June 2024, pp. 169-184, e-ISSN 2014-5039
DOI: https://doi.org/10.25029/od.2024.411.25
Abstract: In an era marked by rapid digitaliza-
tion and the convergence of media platforms,

has gained prominence. However, gender dis-
crimination remains a challenge for female
     
responses from Spanish media professionals
through digital and other channels. Data analy-
sis, including statistical methods like frequency
analysis and chi-square tests, aims to uncover

      
supported recommendations for gender equal-
ity in the dynamic Spanish media landscape.
 
convergence, gender discrimination.
En una era marcada por la rápida
digitalización y la convergencia de las platafor-
mas mediáticas, la igualdad de género, en par-
ticular dentro del periodismo, ha ganado pro-
tagonismo. Sin embargo, la discriminación de
género sigue siendo un reto para las periodis-
tas. Esta investigación recopiló 387 respuestas
válidas de profesionales de los medios de co-
municación españoles a través de canales digi-
tales y de otro tipo. El análisis de los datos, que
incluye métodos estadísticos como el análisis
de frecuencias y las pruebas de chi-cuadrado,
pretende descubrir los factores que afectan
a la carrera profesional de las periodistas es-
-
daciones empíricamente respaldadas para la
igualdad de género en el dinámico panorama
mediático español.
 -
las, convergencia de medios, discriminación de
género.
9
170170
An analysis of gender discrimination in the context of media convergence of
Spanish female journalists

In modern times, media companies use inno-
vative channels to reach and engage with their
desired audiences. There is a general percep-
tion that conventional media is being overshad-
owed by new media, with newspaper reader-
ship in particular on the decline (Richardson,
2020). In the past, the communication and
expression of ideas was primarily controlled by
a hierarchical framework. However, the emer-
     
possibilities for expanding the reach of people
around the world. The mainstream media land-
       
everyone a fair chance to express their views
(Barone, 2020).
Initially, when these platforms emerged, ex-
perienced professionals had the upper hand,
resulting in them dominating successful inde-
pendent media accounts. However, with the
advancement of technology, content creation
      
      
world are primarily developed and run by the
United States. These platforms, such as Face-
book, Instagram, and Twitter, have a substan-
tial user base and provide private and instant
messaging features. According to the special
report “Digital 2021 Eapaña,” released by a
      
in 2021, Spain has 42.54 million Internet users
and 37.4 million active Internet users. In the
data for 2022, compared with 2021, the num-
ber of registered users of Spanish social net-

the “Social media usage in Spain - Statistics &
Facts report released” by Statista, Spain has a

with an expected 41 million users by 2023 and
a predicted increase to about 46 million users
by 2028. Most of Spain’s internet users use so-
cial networks, leading to a considerable social
audience and a thriving digital and social adver-
tising industry.
In an environment of increasing digitization
on a global and domestic scale, media profes-
sionals have tremendous opportunities for ad-
vancement in the evolution of traditional me-
dia, the expansion of emerging media, and the
convergence of the two into innovative forms.
As the converged communications market con-
tinues to experience increasing overlap, the
relevance of media convergence in the digital
creative economy is clear (Latzer, 2013). More
-
ists, are creating accounts on social media to
showcase their work experience and expertise
to gain more employment opportunities.
     
discrimination in such an environment that

talk about gender discrimination issues, such as

environment, even though their workplaces are
no longer restricted by time and space transi-

violence and harassment as well as harsh treat-
ment in work assignments in the high interac-
tivity of new media.
-

in Spain amidst media convergence. It fearless-
ly confronts the gender discrimination issues
that plague this industry.

     -
ployed to explore and analyze transformations
171171
Nan Chen
that result in integration or harmony. Concern-
ing communication, this is known as “media

to the digital creative industry. Grasping the ins
and outs of media convergence, such as its ap-

in comprehending the digital creative economy
(Latzer, 2013). Media convergence epitomizes
the seamless integration of information and
communication technologies, computer net-
works, and media content. This holistic fusion
harmonizes the spheres of computing, com-
munication, and content, stemming directly
from the pervasive digitization of media ma-
terials and the omnipresence of the Internet
(Flew, 2023). In this milieu, information dissem-
ination exhibits noteworthy speed and quali-
ty. Presently, news dissemination transcends
conventional reliance on periodicals, newspa-
pers, and television broadcasts, encompassing
diverse information technologies. The internet
serves as a pivotal medium for diverse forms
of information propagation, catalyzing the rap-

actualizing news digitalization. This transforma-
tion culminates in the unparalleled swiftness of
news information dissemination (Zuo, 2021).
The phenomenon of media convergence has
granted users the agency to generate and dis-
seminate content, tailor their viewing schedules
through on-demand features, and engage in
peer-to-peer interactions through technology.
-
sumer preferences and is further compounded
by the digitalization and deregulation of media
and communication markets, exerting substan-
-
in the media industry (Picard, 2010).
On a global scale, the notion of multimedia
integration was introduced quite early, with
      
-
ponte (1979) were among the early voices to
discuss the emerging phenomenon of digitali-
zation and its implications for the convergence
of textual and audio-visual languages. In Spain,
newsroom research methods gained promi-
nence around 2005. Subsequently, research-
ers, supported by the Ministry of Science and
Technology, delved into online news studies.
Convergence emerged as a prominent re-
search topic, leading to the formation of a ro-
bust research team comprising scholars with
     -
nology. Starting in 2006, increased funding for
    

the media industry and professional training (
Martínez, 2009). The single-platform cooper-
ation model, characterized by the decline of
print publications and the shift of remaining re-
sources to digital platforms, has spurred con-
versations regarding the necessity of enhanced
cross-media collaboration in the future. Audi-
ence engagement emerges as a pivotal strate-
gic concern within all these models, intricately
linked with the formulating of cross-media
strategies within organizations and augment-

diverse communication channels. Establishing
cohesive social media strategies and incentiv-
izing user-generated content represent shared
imperatives in this evolving landscape (García-
     
increasing globalization and the rise of digital
media, media organizations in Spain have be-
gun to seek cooperation and integration with
international media to expand coverage and
increase competitiveness (Napp, 2022).
In the Spanish context, mobile devices have
emerged as the prevailing conduit for access-
ing social media, with a remarkable 97% of
the population utilizing them for this purpose.
Messaging applications occupy a prominent
172172
An analysis of gender discrimination in the context of media convergence of
Spanish female journalists
position, serving as the preferred platform
for approximately 83% of social media users.
      
substantial presence, with over 91% of Span-
ish internet users adopting it as their primary
choice and expressing notable satisfaction.
Facebook is the second most frequently em-
ployed platform, followed by Instagram (Data
source: 2023 Statista published in “Social me-
dia usage in Spain - Statistics & Facts”).
A noteworthy phenomenon in Spain is the
considerable inclination among its populace
to maintain connections with loved ones, ac-
quaintances, and friends through messaging
apps. This predilection is underscored by the
-
tively engages with social media platforms. This
yearning for connection and closeness renders

engage with local audiences. Furthermore, pro-
fessionals operating within the media industry
    
and capitalize on expanded networking pros-
pects (Data source: 2023 Statista published in-
”Leading social media usage reasons in Spain
2022”).

Gender equality has been a longstanding issue
in various industries, persisting as a problem
       
Gender disparities persist in leadership roles
within the technology, information, and media
sectors. Despite ongoing endeavors to advance
workplace gender equality, women contin-
ue to be underrepresented in key leadership
positions. This underrepresentation not only
constrains organizations from realizing their
full potential but also perpetuates entrenched
gender biases (Baird, 2023). Therefore, gender
equality has begun to be vigorously promoted
in various countries, especially laws and regula-
tions on gender equality, which have begun to
be promulgated one after another, and many
scholars have also formed special research
      
Commission for Gender Equality of the UPO
(now the Negotiating Commission of the Gen-
der Equality Plan) approved, on July 6, 2017, the
       
Pablo de Olavide University. The Second Equal-
ity Plan promotes gender equality through six
main lines: communication, language, and in-
stitutional image; teaching, innovation, and re-
search; advocacy and training; representation
and professional advancement; communica-
tion and coordination; gender-based harass-
     
Equality, 2022).
Out of the emphasis on “gender equality,” many
countries have promulgated legal provisions to
protect women’s rights and interests.
Article 23 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights
of the European Commission:
       -
      

       

-



-

     -
-

     
-
-
-
173173
Nan Chen


However, when the bill’s provisions are imple-
-

still be mistreated in the working environment.
The 2019 cross-national comparative study, the

disparities between the perspectives of male

profession in Spain. This examination is based
on a comprehensive questionnaire adminis-

hailing from 124 distinct media organizations.
The study discerns noteworthy distinctions in
the viewpoints and experiences of female and

       
-
ness of the pressures emanating from corpo-
-
press a greater sense of constraint stemming
from business decisions, censorship, political
     

tendency towards greater deference to political
and economic powers. In contrast, those who
manage to break through the metaphorical
“glass ceiling” often experience a heightened
degree of autonomy, potentially attributable
to their empowerment within the digital media
landscape. Interestingly, they are vocal advo-
     
interest in the supervisory role of power struc-
tures. These outcomes can be seen as inter-
twined with the necessity to “permit conformity”
while simultaneously revealing a comparatively
reduced awareness of the quality and ethical

Ramaprasad, & de Beer, 2019).
From the data published in the “Global Gen-
der Gap Report 2021”, it can be seen that from
2019 to 2020, Spain’s labor force participa-
tion rate by gender (women to men) showed
a decreasing trend (-0.39%) (Sharma, Chawla&
Karam, 2021).
     
were underscored in a separate article pub-
lished in Textual & Visual Media in 2021 by
scholars Belén Cáceres Garrido and Sonia
Parratt Fernández from the Universidad Com-
-
tence of wage gaps, glass ceilings, and barriers

the research also unveiled hitherto unobserved
challenges faced by this group. These challeng-
-
sistence of entrenched sexism, and instances
of harassment. Notably, more than half of the
respondents in their study were unaware of the
existence of equality programs within their re-
spective media companies. Furthermore, their
      
and outcomes of these programs, indicating
a potential disconnection that hinders prog-
ress toward achieving gender equality within
    
2021).
     -
     
profession, marked by gender-based dispari-
     
address issues of equality, representation, and
workplace conditions.
Regarding the issue of gender equality, Spain

Spain promulgated Organic Law No. 3/2007 on
-
ganic Law No. 3/2007, 2007), which establishes
a series of measures aimed at promoting real
equality at work, a program aimed at promot-
174174
An analysis of gender discrimination in the context of media convergence of
Spanish female journalists
ing mediation, promoting gender equality, fer-
tility and avoiding sexual harassment.
Spain ranks sixth in the European Union (EU) on
the Gender Equality Index for 2022 with a score
of 74.6 out of 100, 6.0 points above the Europe-
an Union (EU) average. Researchers from the
University of Seville () and
the University of Pablo de Olavide (
 ) conducted a study to analyze the
2020-2022 development of gender equality in
the EU Member States. The study shows that
Spanish society has made considerable prog-
ress in structural gender equality, reducing the
gap between men and women (Eriksson, 2020).
Although the overall score shows an upward

money, time, knowledge, power, and health ),
     -
         

     
-


      
except for the “work” item, other indicators are
more or less showing an upward trend, only
        
face a relatively large problem of gender dis-
crimination in the workplace.
Reuters Institute’s report of 2023 covered 180
 
22% of the 180 hierarchical positions in 240
media outlets are held by women, even though,
on average, women represent 40% of the total
-
sion in the 12 markets (Andi, Selva & Kleis Niel-
sen, 2023).


     
have become one of the activities for women to
gain economic independence. The publication
of facts and opinions has always been a tool for
the development of social movements and the
defense of women’s rights. The authors made it
clear in -
that women play a

throughout Spain’s transition period (Santama-
rina, Ayerdi & Fernández, 2015). As with many
      
Communication Studies are overwhelmingly fe-
-
-

contributed to the media landscape, introduc-
ing a distinctive perspective into news coverage
and fostering greater diversity and inclusivity

ensuring equitable opportunities for women’s



100
85
70
55
2013 2015 2017 2019 2020 2021 2022
40
175175
Nan Chen
     -
mains a compelling imperative (Dhiman, 2023).
     -
-
ment due to gender discrimination in the work-
      
violence brought by social networks. According
to the data published by APM in the 2018-2021
annual report, discrimination against women

to the choice of management positions, wom-
en are at a disadvantage (2018-2021 APM An-

of the decline in Spain’s gender equality index
score on the “work” indicator in recent years
(2022 Gender Equality Index Report), which is

-
 also mentions that management
     -



group (2023). Regarding the unemployment
      

Table 2



2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
2017
2018
2019
2020
2021
Men
1750 3500 5250 7000
Women
Number of person
0




























For women, there are usually externalized “sex-
ual” stereotypes and a derogatory image of

concerned about their appearance rather than
their abilities in the working environment (2019
APM Annual Report).


In this article, we address the following key in-
quiries:
-

profession and the transformative impact of
media integration?
      
with harassment within the digital work envi-
ronment, and if so, what forms and frequencies
characterize these experiences?

persistent workplace barriers, often referred to
as “glass ceilings,” remain discernible for female

Then, we designed a meticulously crafted ques-
tionnaire comprising 41 discrete variables,
including demographic information such as
gender and age, which was developed to fa-
cilitate data collection. These questionnaires
were distributed across various prominent so-
cial media platforms, encompassing Facebook,
   
      
the distribution strategy was underpinned by a
deliberate focus on soliciting participation pri-
-
ching goal of ensuring the utmost authenticity
and reliability of the ensuing dataset.
176176
An analysis of gender discrimination in the context of media convergence of
Spanish female journalists
To mitigate potential sources of bias and en-
hance data validity, the distribution strategy
was thoughtfully structured as follows:
     -

     -
liances and thematic groups predominantly
-
-
nating the questionnaires.
On platforms such as Facebook and Instagram,


the professional designation of “Journalist”.
Further, they evidenced a discernible history
of occupational experience within the Spanish

For chat software applications such as
     -


internships.
On LinkedIn and Surveycircle, a transparent
and unequivocal stipulation was articulated, ex-
plicitly specifying that participation was exclu-

either currently employed in Spain or possess-
ing prior professional engagements within the


The questionnaire instrument was designed
with utmost care to elicit a comprehensive
spectrum of data relevant to investigating gen-
    
it was tailored to capture multifaceted aspects
of reporters’ experiences and perspectives,

and responsibilities.
A rigorous analytical process was undertaken
after the meticulous data collection phase. The

scrutiny and interpretation through statistical
software tools, most notably SPSS and Excel.
This analytical framework was instrumental in
-

In summation, this research approach, char-
acterized by the systematic construction of a
robust questionnaire, targeted distribution to
    -
ologically rigorous data analysis, underpins a
nuanced and academically sound inquiry into
-
nalism.

Determine the sample size required to esti-
      


of 5%. Assume a population ratio of 0.5 and no
-
dence level is 1.96. Then, we conclude that 384
samples are expected to be collected.
A meticulous data curation process was con-
ducted from the pool of collected question-
naires, adhering to stringent criteria to ensure
the reliability and coherence of the dataset. The
data curation process involved the following
key steps:

Questionnaires originating from IP addresses
located outside of Spain were systematically
excluded from the analysis. Exceptions were
made for respondents with known identities
who were invited to participate despite being
outside of Spain.

177177
Nan Chen
A comprehensive examination of question-
naires featuring multiple-choice questions was
     -
tionnaires that did not meticulously adhere to
the prescribed number of choices were iden-
     
consideration.

Rigorous scrutiny was applied to assess the log-
ical coherence of responses. Instances of illog-
ical or inconsistent responses were detected
and addressed. For example, if a respondent
       -
sponse but subsequently continued to answer
subsequent questions that should logically
have been skipped, such discrepancies were

Frequency analysis, descriptive analysis, and
chi-square test were used in the following anal-
ysis.

Following the application of these meticulous
data-cleaning criteria, a total of 387 response
sheets emerged as valid and were retained for
subsequent analysis. These responses were
distributed as follows: 317 emanated from fe-
male participants, while 63 were attributed to
male participants. In the dataset comprising
collected samples, female respondents con-
stituted a predominant segment, represent-
ing 81.91% of the total, whereas male partic-
ipants comprised a notably smaller fraction,
accounting for a mere 13.7%. This gender
distribution can be attributed to two probable
factors: One plausible explanation pertains to
the heightened enthusiasm exhibited by fe-
male respondents in their active participation
in the questionnaire. This enthusiasm implies
a heightened inclination among women to con-
tribute their perspectives on issues pertinent to
-
tribution strategy employed for disseminating
questionnaires may have inadvertently favored
reaching and engaging a predominantly female
demographic. This unintentional gender bias
in the distribution process likely contributed to
the observed gender disparity in the collected
samples (Table 1).
Table 1


Categories
Frequen-
cy
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Female 317 81.91% 81.91%
Male 53 13.70% 95.61%
Non-Binary 2 0.52% 96.12%
Don’t know/
Don’t want to
say
15 3.88% 100.00%
Total 387 100.0%
Among the participants, the largest category
of responses was (Increased),
which accounted for 50.90% of the total re-
sponses. The following most frequent re-
sponse was (Increased
-
ing this option. The cumulative percentages
      
we add the percentages of respondents who
believe harassment has increased or increased

of participants perceive an increase in work-
place harassment (Table 2).
178178
An analysis of gender discrimination in the context of media convergence of
Spanish female journalists
Table 2


-

Categories
Fre-
quency
Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Has increased 197 50.90% 50.90%
Has increased
a lot
37 9.56% 60.47%
Has decreased 30 7.75% 68.22%
Has decreased
a lot
40 10.34% 78.55%
Has not expe-
rienced any
changes
83 21.45% 100.00%
Total 387 100.0%
Table 3


-

Categories Frequency Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Quite
frequent
36 11.36% 11.36%
Frequent 177 55.84% 67.19%
Non-existent 23 7.26% 74.45%
Infrequent 81 25.55% 100.00%
Total 317 100.0%
As can be seen from the table above, Chi-
square test (cross analysis) was used to study
-
ity and the work experience of being harassed
by social networks. The table above shows that
-
fects on the work experience of being harassed
by social networks. The experience sample
     


from social network harassment (chi=41.383,

percentages, it can be seen that the proportion
of Buena (Good) choosing No is 65.52%, and it

33.75%. The proportion of Muy mala (very bad)
      
higher than the average level of 33.75%. The
proportion of Mala (Bad) choosing Sí is 81.02%,

66.25% (Table 4).
     
indicated that they perceive workplace ha-
rassment as “Frecuente” (Frequent). Another
noteworthy segment, 25.55% of respondents,
described workplace harassment as -
” (Infrequent), implying that they perceive
harassment as a less common occurrence in
their work environment. Just a smaller pro-
portion, 11.36%, indicated that they consider
workplace harassment to be  -
(Quite frequent), and 7.26% described
workplace harassment as (Non-ex-
istent), signifying their belief that harassment
is virtually absent in their professional milieu.
From the data of female respondents, we can

(Table 3).
179179
Nan Chen
Items
Cate-
gories

Total

p
Good Bad

good

bad
Don’t

Don’t



Have you ever

harassment for
your
proessional
work through
social
No 19(65.52) 26(18.98) 6(46.15) 18(62.07) 11(52.38) 27(30.68) 107(33.75)
41.383 0.000**
Si
10(34.48) 111(81.02) 7(53.85) 11(37.93) 10(47.62) 61(69.32) 210(66.25)
Total 29 137 13 29 21 88 317
* p<0.05 ** p<0.01
Table 4


Most respondents (59.69%) indicated work-
places where both genders hold leadership
positions, but men are more prevalent in these
     -
ed environments where both genders are in
leadership, with women having a stronger rep-
resentation. In some workplaces, exclusive-
ly male superiors were reported by 9.82% of
respondents under (Always
men). Similarly, 7.24% of respondents indicat-
ed workplaces where women exclusively hold
leadership roles, termed (Al-
ways women). The gender ratio distribution un-
derscores an enduring disparity in leadership
     

Table 5

-


Categories
Fre-

Percent
Cumu-

Percent

but more men
than women

231 59.69% 59.69%

but more women
than men
46 11.89% 71.58%
Others 44 11.37% 82.95%
Always men 38 9.82% 92.76%
Always women 28 7.24% 100.00%
Total 387 100.0%
180180
An analysis of gender discrimination in the context of media convergence of
Spanish female journalists
Table 6

Table 7





Categories Frequency Percent
Cumulative
Percent
No 158 40.83% 40.83%
Yes 229 59.17% 100.00%
Total 387 100.0%
-

important responsibilities and profession-

Categories
Fre-

Percent
Cumu-

Percent
Sometimes 170 43.93% 43.93%
Many times 69 17.83% 61.76%
Never 50 12.92% 74.68%
Seldom 64 16.54% 91.21%
Always 34 8.79% 100.00%
Total 387 100.0%
43.93% of respondents indicated that a signif-
icant portion of respondents perceive instanc-
es where their current workplace occasionally
prioritizes men in the allocation of responsibil-
ities and higher professional levels. A minori-
ty (17.83%) experienced frequent instances
of men being prioritized in their workplaces.

perceptions regarding the prioritization of men
in allocating responsibilities and higher profes-
sional levels within the respondents’ current
workplaces. A notable portion of respondents
indicates that such practices occur to varying
degrees, ranging from occasional to frequent
(Table 7).
     
59.17%, answered “Sí” (Yes), indicating that they
have indeed witnessed cases where women
were not promoted despite having similar qual-
-
ception of gender-based career advancement

181181
Nan Chen

In synthesis, adopting a macroscopic lens re-
veals that the rapid proliferation of digitaliza-
tion, propelled by technological integration,
along with the integration of traditional and
new media paradigms, has ushered in a trans-
formative era replete with enhanced prospects
  -
fectively dismantled the temporal and spatial
constraints that hitherto circumscribed their
professional domain, thereby endowing fe-

reconcile their occupational commitments with
their multifaceted roles in society, encompass-
ing marital and maternal responsibilities. Of

COVID-19 pandemic in 2019 precipitated the
widespread adoption of remote working mo-
dalities, ostensibly augmenting the profession-

     
patently evident that despite the presence of
legislative mandates and regulatory frame-
works ostensibly designed to propagate the
principles of gender equality, a conspicuous
lacuna exists in the translation of these policy
    
lacuna is particularly manifest in the persistent
conundrum of gender discrimination that con-

concerning the constricted landscape of career
advancement prospects.
In the crucible of the evolving digital media
ecosystem, the conspicuous proliferation of
interactivity has engendered a burgeoning tide
of online violence, constituting a deeply discon-
certing conundrum. The virtual expanse now
facilitates the dissemination of commentaries
by individuals who often remain unacquaint-
      
Regrettably, these digital dialogues often be-
come reprehensible critiques of their physical
appearance. Consequently, the intrinsic worth
      
professional contributions and competencies,
is all too frequently consigned to the margins,
      -
tributes. This troubling dynamic perpetuates
pernicious gender-based stereotypes and sub-
verts the rightful recognition of their expertise
and adeptness within the contours of their cho-
sen vocation.
       
more concerted and holistic approach that
seeks to bridge the chasm between the original

In confronting the pervasive quandary of gen-
der discrimination and the ominous specter of
online violence, an intricate tapestry of strate-
gies must be woven, encompassing heightened
consciousness, educational initiatives, and vig-
orous advocacy. Moreover, it behooves media
institutions and society at large to shoulder col-
lective responsibility in dismantling ingrained
discriminatory practices. In this endeavor, a
cultural metamorphosis is necessitated, one
that truly appreciates the professional contri-
     
competencies and dexterity rather than per-
-
tributes. Only through such a comprehensive
and multi-pronged approach can the authentic
spirit of gender equality be fully actualized with-

182182
An analysis of gender discrimination in the context of media convergence of
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